Imagine that you are asked to tutor another student on the fundamental concepts of chemistry, the scientific method, and the differences between a plant cell, an animal cell, and a bacterial cell.

Imagine that you are asked to tutor another student on the fundamental concepts of chemistry, the scientific method, and the differences between a plant cell, an animal cell, and a bacterial cell.
Create a 4- to 5-page study guide using Microsoft® Word in which you cover the following:
How chemical reactions occur in the body.
The purpose of the scientific method.
How to develop a hypothesis.
How to design an experiment using the scientific method.
The primary structures in plant cells, animal cells, and bacterial cells and the role of each structure.
How each cell makes energy for cellular processes. Give a brief overview of each energy-making process.
What is unique about each cell type.
Cite your sources according to APA guidelines.


Write a program that will help a student practice basic math (addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division). Display a menu the student can select from.

Write a program that will help a student practice basic math (addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division). Display a menu the student can select from. The student will make a selection and will have the option to continue with that type of math problem. When the student is done with that type of math problem the main menu will be displayed and allow the student to select another type of problem. When the student exits the program their results will be displayed (ex. Addition: 3 correct 2 incorrect)


Pseudocode design

Properly named fields and methods

Ifs, loops, switchs (basic error checks)

Randomize numbers

User defined classes (multiple classes)

Clean and intuitive displays


Create multiple classes and methods to keep Main program short.

Use methods in the classes other than the normal gets/sets

Randomize 0-10 for numbers in the math problems.

Use fields to track the correct and incorrect counts.

Break everything down to smaller simpler methods and code

Mechanisms of liberal bias in the news media versus the academy

Title: Mechanisms of liberal bias in the news media versus the academy

Author(s): Daniel Sutter

Source: Independent Review. 16.3 (Winter 2012): p399.

Document Type: Article


Copyright : COPYRIGHT 2012 Independent Institute

Full Text:

Ideas exert immense influence on life, as observed by thinkers as diverse as John Maynard Keynes and Ayn Rand. Modern models of democratic politics incorporate the citizens’ policy preferences, but the available ideas in society ultimately shape these preferences and the citizens’ views of how policies affect outcomes. In the long run, the market for ideas significantly affects economies.

The market for ideas and information has two segments: the generation of ideas and the transmission of these ideas to the general public. Ivory tower academics and the news media arc important components of the market for ideas. Given the influence of ideas on policy, it is not surprising that many observers have expressed concern over the apparent left-liberal bias in both the media and the academy favoring greater government direction of society:

Journalism is inherently subjective; a journalist’s approach to a story invariably reflects his opinions. No one would accept the statement of a Ku Klux Klansman, in line for a judgeship, that he was capable of applying the civil rights laws objectively, without regard to his personal opinions. Yet the argument is advanced by members of the media that a reporter can cover

George Bush fairly even if he believes that Bush is a tool of fascist warmongers and racist plutocrats. (Bozell and Baker 1990, 1)

[P]art of what really bothers so many liberals … is that there even exists a more conservative alternative to the mainstream news outlets. Liberals … had the playing field to themselves for so many years, controlling the rules of the game, that to them it had come to seem the natural order of things. (Goldberg 2003, 12)

With a few notable exceptions, most prestigious liberal arts colleges and universities have installed the entire radical menu at the center of their humanities curriculum at both the graduate and undergraduate levels. Every special interest … and every modish interpretive gambit … has found a welcome roost in the academy, while the traditional curriculum and modes of intellectual inquiry arc excoriated as sexist, racist, or just plain reactionary. (Kimball 2008, 5)

The radical cohort … is now a large and influential presence and in some cases an imposing majority on liberal arts faculties and the governing bodies of national academic organizations. As a result, it has been able to transform significant parts of the academy into agencies of political and social change. (Horowitz and Laskin 2009, 9)

Political bias in the market for ideas is in essence a claim concerning the performance or efficiency of this market. Concerns about left-liberal bias among intellectuals arc not new; Ludwig von Mises ([1956] 1972), Friedrich Hayek (1960), and Robert Nozick (1998) discussed this topic. (1)

The available evidence clearly establishes that more journalists and academics in the United States are Democrats or liberals than Republicans, conservatives, or libertarians (Lichter, Rothman, and Lichter 1986; Weaver and Wilhoit 1996; Cardiff and Klein 2005; Klein and Stern 2005) and that this disparity of numbers may affect the substance of research, writing, and teaching (Groseclosc and Milyo 2005; Kimball 2008; Horowitz and Laskin 2009; Gentzkow and Shapiro 2010). Yet such evidence is the equivalent of circumstantial evidence in criminal proceedings and not totally satisfying. Work product, for instance, may not reflect political views; both journalists and academics employ methods designed to keep personal views out of their work. Positions on specific issues also depend on the facts. News stories that take global warming as a fact and research by health economists in support of government-run health care are not necessarily biased; without independent access to the “truth,” we can never demonstrate biased misrepresentation of the truth by news coverage or academic research. An examination of the news industry’s and the academy’s institutions and incentives therefore usefully supplements the available evidence. In other words, discovery of a compelling motive can make circumstantial evidence look much stronger.

In this article, I present a comparative institutional analysis of news reporting and the academy to help provide perspective on charges of bias in each sector. Three differences appear significant. The first is in the nature of the marketed product. The media markets news to a general audience, generating revenue either directly through audience payment or indirectly through advertising. Either way, attracting customers is closely tied to revenue generation. In contrast, academics produce student credit hours and research reports consumed primarily by other academics. Neither product results in substantial feedback in the form of revenue from the larger society. The second difference is the nature of employee compensation. On-the-job consumption in various forms seemingly constitutes a larger share of professors’ total compensation. If bias in research and teaching were to reduce universities’ revenues, this reduction would be offset by professors’ lower monetary compensation. The third difference is the lack of a residual claimant for nonprofit private or public universities compared with private ownership of the media. Although the lack of a profit motive might be thought to be the major difference between the sectors, its effect is primarily to increase the persistence of bias when or if it develops. The lack of a residual claimant reduces the likelihood of radical measures to overhaul a poorly performing, bias-ridden university department. The lack of a profit incentive can combine with the almost nonexistent revenue effect to create scope for administrators to indulge bias or other prejudices in hiring. (2)

Mechanisms of liberal bias in the news media versus the academy

News Media Bias

The news media market a product, whether it be a newspaper, a magazine, a TV broadcast, or Web site material. The media in the United States (and now in most countries around the world) are privately owned for-profit companies with residual claimants. The owners’ interest limits the potential for liberal bias if this bias reduces the audience for news. A liberal bias across most or all outlets in a segment of the news market will likely result in lower revenues, owing to alienation of conservatives and libertarians and a division of the remaining audience (Sutter 2001). The reduced revenues can result either directly through reduced consumer purchases or indirectly through lower advertising rates. The reduction in profits at some point will provoke action by the owners to limit bias. Managers need not be perfect agents of owners, and owners may not respond immediately, but lost revenues and profits will eventually provoke action by owners to control a liberal news bias.

Two factors can offset news owners’ incentive to limit bias. First, liberal news may not significantly reduce the audience, either because consumers fail to discern the bias or because potential consumers are disproportionately liberal (Goff and Tollison 1990) or because a left-liberal orientation makes for more interesting and marketable stories (Sutter 2004). Many news consumers may be unable to detect partisan bias in a story or unaware of alternative potential stories or angles. Customer preferences explain bias only if liberal news produces a greater audience than unbiased news, and if we are to explain bias across most or all media outlets, the audience must be extremely liberal; if there are three news outlets, moderates and conservatives cannot make up more than one-third of the news audience (under standard assumptions of a spatial model) for all three outlets to maximize revenue by supplying liberal news. Bias that does not adversely affect the audience might be regarded as benign, but this conclusion is not necessarily correct. By affecting the information that news consumers receive, hidden bias can affect voters’ policy preferences on specific issues.

Second, bias can potentially reduce costs. The most likely means by which biased reporting lowers cost is if liberal reporters value indulging bias in their work. If reporters accept lower salaries in order to report with a liberal bias, or, alternatively, if news organizations have to pay a compensating wage differential for neutral or conservative reporting, bias can lower cost and potentially offset any loss in revenue. The prevalence of liberals among the ranks of reporters provides plausibility to the compensating-wage-differential hypothesis. But although surveys consistently reveal that more journalists self-identify as liberal than as conservative, typically fewer than 50 percent of reporters identify themselves as liberal. (3) Thus, the median reporter does not appear extremely liberal, which should limit the size of the wage differential. In addition, many journalists also value being good reporters, which involves reporting the news without bias.

A force exists to limit bias in the news media: the incentive of owners of for profit news companies and entrepreneurs who might exploit an opportunity to provide unbiased or conservative news. Thus, liberal bias in the commercial news media provokes its own reaction as long as bias eventually reduces revenues and profits. The response need not be perfect, but the greater the bias, the greater the reduction in profit and the greater the likelihood that owners will respond.

How the Academy Differs

The academy differs from the news market in three main ways. First, the vast majority of colleges and universities comprises either nonprofit organizations or public (or quasi-public) enterprises. Therefore, universities have no residual claimant to benefit from correcting bias that hurts organizational performance. Second, academics do not produce a product sold directly on the market, and hence there is no representative audience that might be alienated by a biased product, as in the case of news reports. Liberal bias produces much weaker feedback for a department or university than for a news media company. Third, research is in large measure a consumption good, and many academics want to indulge their ideology in their research and teaching. Academics accept lower lifetime earnings relative to fields such as business, law, and medicine, and nonpecuniary or on-the-job consumption benefits constitute a larger share of their total compensation.

Although lack of a profit motive might appear to be the most significant difference between the universities and the news media, it is not the most important difference, at least as commonly interpreted. Universities have constituencies who value reputation–administrators (whose job prospects depend on their university’s U.S. News & World Report ranking), alumni, and faculty–and who create pressure for performance. Nonprofits face scarcity, so administrators must balance competing demands for resources (for example, faculty lines) across departments. In a nonprofit environment, administrators may lack the information and incentive to calculate the most efficient use of resources, but the loss of efficiency, given the proxies of value available (for example, student demand for a major), is relatively modest. The lack of a residual claimant plays a secondary role, combining with the nature of faculty outputs to create space for bias and to reduce administrators’ incentive to take action to counter bias once it has been established. (4)

The “Marketing” of Faculty Products

The two main faculty products, research and teaching, are not sold on a market in the same fashion as news reports or most other products. Peer review stands at the heart of academic publishing. Research is produced for other practitioners to earn prestige rather than to accrue a direct cash payment (Thornton 2004). Academic researchers derive value by making their peers think highly of their work, expertise, and creativity. Division of knowledge and specialization implies that nonexperts–persons outside the academy or the discipline–may not perceive the value of scholarly research. Research builds on society’s stock of knowledge, which does not depreciate; advances in knowledge today require extreme specialization. Outsiders’ failure to appreciate the value of esoteric research does not mean that such research lacks value. The “consumers” of research are other academics, so external feedback is modest. Scholars in traditional fields such as economics, political science, and geography are now experts in only a part of their discipline. Only a few dozen scholars worldwide might be able to judge whether a specific academic publication is seminal or pedestrian. Because academics produce research primarily for other academics, research that impresses other academics generates a reputation, which allows a researcher to acquire resources within the academy.

Two factors potentially limit academics’ writing for other academics. The first is the value research might have to persons (consumers) outside of the academy. External value is most common in science, engineering, and medicine, where new products can originate in academic labs. But policy disciplines also have consumers outside the academy; for example, the work of labor economists on the effects of unions will interest labor unions and businesses. Scientific research of policy relevance (for example, climate science) also has external constituencies. External audiences in these cases can affect research content, with potential funding altering the content of research in subtle or not so subtle ways. (5)

The cost of research is the second factor that limits insularity. Research in science, medicine, and engineering is expensive; a new faculty member requires $100,000 or more in startup funds. Universities typically expect to recover much of this cost from grants made by government or industry. Academics who undertake expensive research may need to appeal to external constituencies. External funding will not necessarily bring a nonacademic focus to research. The National Science Foundation, for example, draws heavily on academics to review and evaluate funding proposals (Greenberg 1999), so this externally funded research will still be aimed largely at other academics.

If research is primarily a consumption good for faculty, why do colleges and universities tolerate, encourage, and support faculty research? Colleges and universities market faculty expertise to students and their parents. The connection is difficult to quantify with precision, but student applications (particularly from top high school students) depend on a university’s reputation, which is closely tied to its faculty’s reputation (Clotfelter 1999; Winston 1999). Faculty research is even more important in attracting students for graduate study. Academic publications provide a tangible signal of expertise, just as colleges used to report the percentage of faculty with Ph.D.s. Faculty research provides this value even to nonresearch universities. The value of faculty research to a university, however, depends little on the content of the research (except in attracting external funding). A liberal arts college needs faculty publications to display for prospective students and their parents on campus visits. Esoteric, jargon-laden titles convey expertise, but a book or article’s specific content is almost irrelevant to prospective students and parents. News consumers are far more responsive to the content of stories. A boring story may lead TV viewers to change the channel, and an interesting headline may spur sales of hard-copy media. (6) The extent to which news consumers or prospective students and their parents respond to ideological or political bias has yet to be conclusively established. Nonetheless, the elasticity of demand with respect to the content seems substantially greater for news than for faculty research. In most circumstances, university administrators will care little about the content of faculty research.

The other faculty product is teaching. Departments must produce student credit hours to justify faculty positions, and failure to attract students will eventually lead to a department’s demise, even in a nonprofit university. Yet the impact of bias on enrollment seems relatively modest, especially in comparison with its impact on news. Faculty bias may actually help to attract majors and graduate students who want to study in the field, and bias may attract students committed to social justice or to exposing the evils of business in some fields (see Woessner and Kelly-Woessner 2009), thereby helping to generate credit hours. Universities offer numerous majors, and attracting one hundred (or fewer) out of twenty thousand undergraduates to a particular department may be sufficient to avoid a shutdown. A department major may need to attract only one-half of one percent or less of students. The change in the number of students majoring in a subject if, say, a department becomes a hotbed of Marxist scholarship might be small and possibly even positive. A department can also produce credit hours by teaching required courses for other majors. The flexibility typical of curriculum requirements (for example, take five classes out of a list of ten) can help a biased department because students likely to be offended can avoid the politicized classes, just as news consumers can avoid a news product that clashes with their worldview. And a department that offers ideologically driven courses can improve the attractiveness of its offerings in other dimensions–such as the day and time of class offerings, the amount of work required, and grades given.

The preceding discussion presumes that students will perceive biased teaching as of lower quality, but this perception may not occur. F. A. Hayek noted of socialist intellectuals that “it seems to be true that it is on the whole the more active, intelligent, and original men among the intellectuals who most frequently incline toward socialism” (1960, 379). If such is also true about left-liberal professors, they may offer entertaining and engaging courses. Faculty who teach ideological courses can invest more in their teaching to ensure that students pay attention to their important message. Complaints by some students about content will have less traction with administrators if by other measures the courses are well taught and well received.

To test whether bias hurts how a class is perceived, I examined David Horowitz and Jacob Laskin’s (2009) list of the 150 “worst”–that is, having the greatest left-liberal bias–classes in America. I then searched out the ratings of the faculty members identified by Horowitz and Laskin on, a Web site with publicly accessible student evaluations of faculty and courses. The ratings must be interpreted with caution because the students who choose to evaluate faculty on such a Web site are a small, nonrandom sample of all students the professor has taught. Nonetheless, Forbes uses evaluations from this Web site as part of its college rankings, indicating that the ratings are perceived as informative.

A total of 127 different instructors taught the 150 classes identified by Horowitz and Laskin, and I found ratings for 69 faculty (graduate student instructors were excluded). Table 1 reports averages for the “Overall” rating of faculty, which uses a five-point scale from 1 (worst) to 5 (best). Because students at different universities have no firsthand experience with instruction at other schools, a 4 rating at different schools may not convey the same quality of instruction. Therefore, I constructed a normed score for each faculty member, which is that person’s rating minus the average overall score for all faculty at that person’s university. Table 1 reports means for both scores as well as weighted averages based on the number of student evaluations; the weighted averages track the overall average closely in each case. The mean rating of the professors of these liberal courses is 3.6 out of 5, or almost a half-point above their school’s average. In addition, only 19 of the 69 faculty had an overall rating below their university’s average. Liberal bias in the classroom does not appear to produce a negative reaction from student customers, although the ratings obviously reflect the views only of students who take these classes and then provide the evaluations.

Biased courses are most likely to harm a department if “indoctrination” results in complaints from students and their parents (who may also be donors). But universities must be structured to tolerate some student complaints, and this tolerance helps to insulate biased professors. The student-customer cannot be king in higher education because students would demand higher grades and less work, at least for themselves, if not for their classmates. Students lack the expertise to design the reading list for each course, and thus administrators must be prepared to tolerate some student criticism of course content. If faculty members further apply some simple economic calculus to their offerings, we would expect to see bias in courses where marginal benefits are greatest and marginal costs are least. Faculty will have the most influence on the thinking of majors and graduate students, and because of self-selection the potential for student complaints will be lower. The marginal cost of bias will be higher in large introductory classes, where more students can be offended. (7)

Consumers of news reports can change the channel or stop reading if they encounter a story that clashes with their values. Thus, the elasticity of demand for bias is likely higher for news than for faculty work products. Although publications certify the faculty expertise for which students are expected to pay a high tuition, the content of this scholarship is largely irrelevant to students. Numbers of majors and enrollments affect the allocation of faculty positions across departments, but curriculum requirements weaken this feedback. Also, feedback in the academy usually occurs only in the future because faculty reallocations typically occur through attrition. Professors who bias their teaching today may bring about a reduction in the size of their department only after a lag of ten or twenty years. Indeed, bias in teaching may lead to a faculty member’s position being lost by the department only when that person retires–surely a more modest constraint than layoffs in the news industry.

Bias as Compensation for Faculty


Different occupations in equilibrium must offer equivalent compensation packages to the marginal worker. All of the many elements of a job–working conditions, safety, job security flexibility of hours, and so forth–factor into the compensation package. Workers are heterogeneous: some value monetary compensation more, whereas others care more about flexible hours or the nature of the work. That workers compare the full compensation of different jobs is the key to a well-functioning labor market and explains, for example, why employers incur enormous expenses beyond the dictates of government regulation to provide a safe working environment.

People who earn Ph.D.s and enter the academy are as a group intelligent and hardworking. They typically rank near the top of their college graduating classes. Students capable of earning Ph.D.s in anthropology, physics, philosophy, and economics have numerous, high-paying alternative career paths available to them–after all, this same pool of top students contains the persons who pursue careers in law, business, and medicine. A student who might excel in law school and become a partner in a large law firm but instead earns a Ph.D. in history or philosophy and teaches at a liberal arts college reveals by his choice that he considers the lifetime full compensation of a professor to equal or exceed that of the corporate lawyer. Because the history professor’s monetary earnings are a small fraction of the lawyer’s earnings, future professors evidently value highly the professorial lifestyle or the study of history. The professorial life offers many amenities, such as prestige, autonomy, and an unhurried work routine, and different people are attracted by different components of the package. Many are attracted by intellectual curiosity and the opportunity for scholarly pursuits.


Many also may be motivated by a desire to change the world (or to work in some way toward that end) through the power of ideas. As Hayek (1960) emphasizes, people content with the status quo in capitalism are likely to pursue a career as part of this society–say, in business. Those who believe that capitalism is unjust (but are unwilling to become revolutionaries) might well pursue a career in ideas, preaching about what they perceive as the evils of the system. Universities can pay lower salaries if faculty can take compensation in other forms, including the opportunity to indulge ideological bias in research and teaching.

How substantial might the salary differential be for the opportunity to do research? Faculty salaries across disciplines provide a clue. Comparison of faculty salaries across disciplines cancels out the value of the professorial lifestyle. Table 2 reports average salaries by rank relative to salaries in engineering, from a 20082009 survey for selected disciplines. Differences in salaries depend in part on the value to people of studying different fields; a field that people find more intrinsically interesting will have lower salaries, everything else equal. Differences in demand can also affect relative salaries, of course, especially in the short run, and so to control for this effect, table 2 reports comparisons at both the professor and new assistant professor ranks. The difference in the differential between the ranks is very small in most cases, and so the salary differentials appear stable over time. Fields such as philosophy, history, English, and foreign languages have salaries 25 percent lower than fields such as engineering. Although these simple comparisons hardly rule out other explanations, by comparing salaries across the disciplines in the academy, years of education and the professorial lifestyle are eliminated as possible differences. Table 2 does not compare academic to nonacademic salaries, and therefore it does not show how much the person who has a Ph.D. in engineering or management might have made by studying medicine or business. The opportunity to study and conduct research on a subject of interest, I contend, represents a substantial portion of academics’ full compensation, and universities can pay lower salaries as a result.

Compensating wage differentials provide a perspective on bias in the academy. Employers compare wage differentials with the cost of providing various amenities in the work place; for example, firms weigh the cost of making the workplace safer against the cost of paying workers to assume the risk. In workplaces where it is very difficult to eliminate risk, efficient production involves paying high salaries and letting workers assume the risk. Faculty members value doing research, and so universities weigh the cost of faculty research (reduced teaching loads, libraries, and other types of support) against the benefits–the payment of lower salaries and the contributions of research to the school’s reputation. Toleration of left-liberal bias might be part of the job conditions that colleges are willing to provide faculty members in exchange for their lower salaries. Administrators might allow anyone willing and able to earn a Ph.D. and work (usually quite hard) for the salaries paid for humanities faculty to write articles and books on whatever topics they wish. Universities are “straddling organizations” as described by Gus di Zerega (2010): organizations that participate in two or more spontaneous orders. They supply higher education and host practitioners in various scholarly disciplines. Being in such straddling organizations contributes to the discretion faculty possess to pursue research of their own choosing. Teaching generates the revenue to cover their salaries, and research certifies the expertise being sold in the classroom. Because the content of research is largely irrelevant to universities, the cost of ideologically motivated research is low. (8)

Faculty in highly ideological and politicized fields may face a prisoner’s dilemma. Each individual faculty member wishes to indulge biases in his own teaching, but the bias reduces overall department enrollment and numbers of majors. With no unbiased course offerings available, enrollment plummets, and the department loses faculty lines. No one faculty member, however, may be willing to forgo bias in his teaching because the value of expressing one’s ideology and occasionally attracting a new major outweighs the inability to hire an unknown colleague at some point in the future. Because tenured faculty members currently face little danger of losing their jobs owing to declining enrollment, a department may not bc able to implement a voluntary solution to this prisoner’s dilemma. Classes in highly ideological fields ironically may end up being even more biased than desired by the faculty as a group. (9)

The Lack of a Profit Motive Revisited

Consider how the lack of a profit motive contributes to the environment for bias in the academy. Lack of a profit motive is probably not the major contributor to the conducive setting for bias in the academy. Resources are still scarce, leading departments to compete against one another for available resources, and when administrators make more efficient decisions, they will have more resources to meet these demands. (10) Colleges do take efficiency-enhancing measures. Degree programs that fail to attract undergraduate and graduate students eventually get shut down, and faculty lines are reallocated to disciplines where student demand is high. Ph.D. programs in economics have been cancelled, as Frank Scott and Jeffrey Anstine document (1997, fig. 6). Universities aggressively try to improve their standing in (or perhaps game) the influential U.S. News college rankings. Colleges increasingly use non-tenure-stream instruction to deliver instruction at low cost and to provide greater flexibility in the face of budget cuts or enrollment declines in specific subjects. Less recognized but probably more significant has been the creation of teaching-specialist positions at research universities (Mateer 2010). Teaching specialists may or may not be in the tenure stream, can be well paid, and can significantly upgrade the quality of undergraduate teaching and advising yet still offer cost savings relative to research-oriented faculty. Universities have pursued distance-learning and continuing-education opportunities in an entrepreneurial fashion. On the research side, they have entered sometimes controversial, innovative arrangements with industry (Washburn 2005). I do not contend that nonprofit universities make exactly the same decisions they would make if they had a residual claimant, but instead that the small cost of bias to a university is a more important factor.

The lack of a profit motive can interact with other factors to create a more conducive environment for bias than in the commercial media. As discussed previously, faculty work products do not directly generate revenue for a university, and the lack of a tangible stake combined with nonprofit status reduces the cost from administrators’ standpoint of faculty discretion in hiring. Rex Pjesky and I (Pjesky and Sutter 2010) document a significant difference in the prestige of the pedigree of law school faculty versus lawyers for elite law firms. A preference for pedigree can be one form of faculty discretion. Indulging a preference for pedigree in hiring may hurt a law school or university over time, but at no time is there a strong feedback to administrators in the form of lost cases or defection of clients. The incentive for administrators to restrict faculty in hiring colleagues is weakened, and administrators are not residual claimants for the long-term decline in value. In contrast, university administrators exert more control over selection of coaches for revenue-generating sports. Sports teams have a tangible output–unambiguously measured success in competition–and generate substantial revenue that might be lost as a result of subpar performance on the field.

The lack of a profit motive also helps bias to persist over time. The university’s nonprofit structure diminishes the incentive for administrators, alumni, donors, state legislators, and regents and trustees to take innovative action to alter left-liberal domination of departments. Profit creates the potential for substantial rewards from risky, innovative action. In contrasting for-profit management and bureaucratic management, Mises observes, “The virtue of the profit system is that it puts on improvements a premium high enough to act as an incentive to take high risks. If this premium is removed or seriously curtailed, there cannot be any question of progress” ([1944] 1983, 68). Each step in the establishment of bias might have only a small (if any) adverse impact on the university and may be imperceptible at the time owing to the indirect marketing of faculty work products. But inefficiencies build over time, and the lack of a residual claimant diminishes the incentive for bold action to change course. Administrators have an incentive to follow the herd to avoid damaging their reputations (see, for example, Scharfstein and Stein 1990). Deviating from the herd is always potentially very costly personally for a manager, and without a residual claimant to profit from the action and share the gains, university administrators have no incentive to take bold steps to control bias. Weak incentives for risk taking appear to be a recurrent problem for administrators. Many commentators attribute the inefficiencies of higher education to tenure. As Ryan Amacher and Roger Meiners (2004) point out, however, the tenure system includes procedures to fire grossly deficient professors; administrators choose not to do so in part because they lack strong incentives. Charles Clotfelter (1996) notes the “live and let live” rule dominant among disciplines in the academy; without a profit motive, administrators have insufficient incentive to break this system.

Consider in detail how the lack of a profit motive assists a bias-ridden department that attracts few majors, has low enrollments in general education classes, and is viewed unfavorably by many students, alumni, and other constituencies. The university might shut down such a poorly performing department, which would allow the dismissal of tenured faculty. Such a radical move, however, would create controversy and criticism from across the campus and the nation. Rankings based on impressions of quality can easily be hurt by the ensuing bad press if a university shuts down its anthropology or English department. The reaction might negatively affect administrators’ future employment prospects. This action is therefore a costly and risky one for administrators, for which they will need compensation. Yet no “owners” stand ready to capture the increased profits and reward administrators for their bold action. In contrast, the owners of a newspaper with declining circulation because of left-liberal bias are more likely to try something radical to change the paper’s image and content. Television executives fire anchors and cancel programs in pursuit of ratings. The lack of a profit motive helps to sustain liberal bias in the academy relative to the news-reporting industry, but it probably contributes less to creation of the bias.


The academy and the news media are key segments of the markets for ideas and information. Many observers have accused both reporters and professors of a left-liberal bias. The difficulty of precisely documenting bias suggests the value of analyzing whether the institutional environment is conducive to bias. Such a comparative analysis indicates that the academy’s institutional environment is particularly favorable to supporting and sustaining bias. News products are marketed directly to consumers, who, even if they do not pay out of pocket for the product, must be convinced to read or view it. Bias that affects content will generally affect revenue adversely. In contrast, academic faculty members’ two main products, research and teaching, are not marketed in a standard fashion. Research is produced primarily for other academics and benefits the university by certifying faculty expertise, and the content of research in many fields is irrelevant to administrators (and to students and parents). Bias in teaching may affect student demand for courses, but course requirements attenuate this response, and a decline in demand typically affects a department only in the long run. In addition, the professorial life appears to provide significant nonmonetary compensation, in particular the freedom to pursue research on topics of personal interest. Faculty members certainly may view the opportunity to do research aimed at refining and promoting their ideology as part of their overall compensation. Finally, private ownership of the news media creates a residual claimant with an incentive to control or correct profit-reducing bias. Lack of residual claimants in private nonprofit and public universities substantially reduces the incentive for action to correct bias.

My analysis in this paper is positive in spirit, comparing the conduciveness of the institutional environments for bias. I have not analyzed whether bias in either the media or the academy harms the larger society. However, my analysis does offer a few insights for critics who seek to limit ideological bias (or at least its consequences) in the academy. Professors receive a substantial portion of their total compensation in nonpecuniary forms, and to the extent that the professorate attracts people who seek to change the world, bias is likely to be extremely persistent. Academics’ lower salaries (relative to corporate executives, lawyers, and doctors’ salaries) also reduce universities’ incentive to take action. Nonetheless, prisoner’s dilemma and time-horizon problems suggest that the level of bias in politicized disciplines may be greater than the professors themselves desire, with the effect of reducing enrollments and faculty positions over time. This situation may create an opportunity for moderate faculty members to teach classes without offending students. The greatest impact of bias in a discipline occurs if it attains a monopoly position. Daniel Klein and Charlotta Stern (2009) identify professors’ primary loyalty as being to their discipline, not to their university, which helps to entrench groupthink. Reformers might focus their efforts on reducing pressures for conformity across a discipline. Administrators often push departments to mirror the leading departments in a discipline (Holcombe 2004; Cantor 2009), but this conduct simply strengthens groupthink across the academy. If conservatives and libertarians are going to be a minority in the academy for the foreseeable future, reformers should ensure that university administrators appreciate and value nonconformist scholars and departments.


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–. 1999. The Familiar but Curious Economics of Higher Education: Introduction to a Symposium. Journal of Economic Perspectives 13, no. 1: 3-12.

Coleman, James, and Richard Vedder. 2008. For-Profit Education in the United States: A Primer. Policy Paper. Washington, D.C.: Center for College Affordability and Productivity Policy Paper.

College and University Professional Association for Human Resources. 2009. 2008-2009 National Faculty Survey. Available at: Accessed February 17, 2010.

Di Zerega, Gus. 2010. Conflicts and Contradictions in Invisible Hand Phenomena. Studies in Emergent Order 3: 1-27.

Gentzkow, Matthew, and Jesse M. Shapiro. 2010. What Drives Media Slant? Evidence from U.S. Daily Newspapers.Econometrica 78, no. 1: 35-71.

Goff, Brian, and Robert D. Tollison. 1990. Why Is the Media So Liberal? Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 1 : 13-21.

Goldberg, Bernard. 2003. Arrogance: Rescuing America from the Media Elite. New York: Warner Books.

Greenberg, Daniel S. 1999. The Politics of Pure Science. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Groseclose, Tim, and Jeffrey Milyo. 2005. A Measure of Media Bias. Quarterly Journal of Economics 120:1191-237.

Hamilton, James T. 2004. All the News That’s Fit to Sell: How the Market Transforms Information into News. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.

Hayek, Friedrich. 1960. The Intellectuals and Socialism. In The Intellectuals: A Controversial Portrait, edited by George Bernard de Huszar, 371-84. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press.

Holcombe, Randall G. 2004. The National Research Council Ranking of Research Universities. Econ Journal Watch 1, no. 3: 498-513.

Horowitz, David, and Jacob Laskin. 2009. One-Party Classroom. New York: Crown Forum.

Kimball, Roger. 2008. Tenured Radicals, Revised: How Politics Has Corrupted Our Higher Education. New York: Harper Collins.

Klein, Daniel B., and Charlotta Stern. 2005. Professors and Their Politics: The Policy Views of Social Scientists. Critical Review 17, nos. 3-4: 257-303.

–. 2009. Groupthink in Academia: Majoritarian Departmental Politics and the Professional Pyramid. Independent Review 13, no. 4 (Spring): 585-600.


Lichter, S. Robert, Stanley Rothman, and Linda S. Lichter. 1986. The Media Elite. Bethesda Md.: Adler and Adler.

Mateer, Dirk. 2010. A Tale of Two Partners: How Specialization and Division of Labor Are Reshaping the Academy. In Doing More with Less: Making Colleges Work Better, edited by Joshua C. Hall, 267-80. New York: Springer.

Mises, Ludwig von.[1956] 1972.The Anti-Capitalistic Mentality. South Holland, Ill.: Libertarian Press.

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Morris, Edward L. 2007. The Lindenwood Model: An Antidote for What Ails Undergraduate Education. St. Louis: Lindenwood University Press.

Nozick, Robert. 1998. Why Do Intellectuals Oppose Capitalism? Cato Policy Report (January-February).

Pjesky, Rex J., and Daniel Sutter. 2011. Does the Lack of a Profit Motive Affect Hiring in Academe? Evidence from the Market for Lawyers. American Journal of Economics and Sociology 70, no. 4: 1053-84.

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Wittman, Donald A. 1995. The Myth of Democratic Failure: Why Political Institutions Are Efficient. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Woessner, Matthew, and April Kelly-Woessner. 2009. Left Pipelines: Why Conservatives Don’t Get Doctorates. In The Politically Correct University: Problems, Scope, and Reforms, edited by Robert Maranto, Richard E. Redding, and Frederick M. Hess, 37-59. Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute Press.

(1.) Mises and Hayek’s concern is probably inevitable. The lure of intellectual convergence to the “truth” is powerful. If Mises and Hayek were correct about the impossibility of socialist planning, then the question naturally follows as to why so many other seemingly intelligent social scientists would mistakenly support socialism. Accusations of bias thus may always plague the market for ideas.

(2.) Higher education does have a modest and growing for-profit segment (Coleman and Vedder 2008). These universities support little or no faculty scholarship and use standardized course content, which should reduce the extent of faculty bias. If these schools represent what higher education would look like if more extensively supplied by for-profit schools (which I doubt), I would increase the weight assigned to nonprofit status in the comparative institutional analysis.

(3.) For example, 48 percent of the reporters studied by David Weaver and Cleveland Wilhoit (1996) describe themselves as liberal versus 22 percent as conservative and 30 percent as moderate. These numbers may understate reporters’ liberalness because of frame-of-reference effects; a reporter who is liberal relative to the national median voter may appear moderate in comparison with even more liberal coworkers. The misrepresentation of views, however, would have to be considerable to result in sufficient bias among reporters to produce a significant salary effect for mainstream news organizations.

(4.) Universities differ from firms in being organizations without a carefully specified purpose (Clotfelter 1996). The term multiversity has been applied to describe the many different teaching, research, and service tasks performed in today’s research university, and it illustrates the contrast with the typical business firm. In addition, tenure makes faculty more like independent contractors than employees.

(5.) Practitioners outside the academy can also conduct research, particularly in disciplines with external constituencies willing to support research and where results can be tangibly demonstrated, as in science or engineering.

(6.) For an examination of some of the ways news organizations pursue the marginal reader or viewer, see Hamilton 2004.

(7.) Of course, the benefits from affecting the thinking of a large number of students will be large in introductory classes, which might offset the cost argument.

(8.) Some critics claim that faculty research undermines the teaching mission (Sykes 1989; Morris 2007) and contributes to the rising cost of college (Vedder 2004). Compensating wage differentials suggest that allowing faculty to engage in research leads to lower salaries. The relevant comparison, then, is whether the deterioration of teaching (if any) outweighs the value that faculty place on research. An evaluation of this contention lies beyond the scope of this article, though. An evaluator would need to keep in mind the low-cost services provided to universities by Ph.D.s who teach as adjuncts in the humanities. The value of being able to do research appears sufficiently high to induce talented individuals to pursue graduate studies merely for a chance to land one of the tenure-track positions for the salaries reported in table 2.

(9.) A possible remedy for this prisoner’s dilemma would be to hire less ideological colleagues, perhaps for non tenure-track positions, to teach entry-level courses.

(10.) My argument here parallels Becker 1983 on scarcity as a force for efficiency in politics. Although scarcity may not lead to the degree of efficiency that Donald Wittman (1995) claims persists in politics, elimination of waste allows administrators to satisfy previously unmet demands.

Daniel Sutter is the Charles G. Koch Professor with the Manuel H. Johnson Center for Political Economy, Sorrell College of Business, Troy University.

Table 1

Ratings of Professors’ Classes from Worst to Best


Mean    Weighted Mean


Overall Score             3.60        3.65

Normed Score             +0.44       +0.43


Note: Scores are on a five-point scale from 1 (worst) to 5 (best).

Ratings based on the “Overall” evaluation of the faculty member on

the Web site The normed score is the faculty

member’s overall score minus the average of all Professors at

the university. The weighted mean weights each professor’s score by

the number of evaluations the rating is based on.


Sources: Horowitz and Laskin 2009;


Table 2

Salaries across Academic Fields, Relative to Salaries in Engineering


New Assistant

Field                                 Professor      Professor


Communications and Journalism           0.749          0.711

Education                               0.732          0.718

Foreign Languages and Literature        0.761          0.689

English                                 0.711          0.677

Liberal Arts                            0.731          0.714

Mathematics and Statistics              0.751          0.745

Philosophy                              0.751          0.702

Chemistry                               0.767          0.718

Psychology                              0.746          0.728

Social Sciences                         0.791          0.774

Marketing                               0.995          1.320

Visual and Performing Arts              0.702          0.667

History                                 0.729          0.682


Source: Author’s calculations based on data given in College and

University Professional Association for Human Resources 2009.

Sutter, Daniel

Source Citation   (MLA 7th Edition)

Sutter, Daniel. “Mechanisms of liberal bias in the news media versus the academy.”Independent Review 16.3 (2012): 399+. Academic OneFile.Web. 31 Mar. 2014.

Document URL


Gale Document Number: GALE|A275574856



What is the basis for their thesis, and do their ideas flow logically from their basis

This posting should reflect your evaluation of “Deny the Consent to be Governed: Risk Leadership Theory” by FHSU’s own Brungardt and Crawford. These are the guidance:

What was the authors’ thesis? What does their idea mean?

What is the basis for their thesis, and do their ideas flow logically from their basis?


What are the implications of the ideas presented in this book? For leaders?  For people studying leadership?

What did you find positive? What did you find negative?

Please remember that you must support your observations and assertions. This is an important criteria in my evaluation of your work. Within the length constraints, I appreciate full and complete responses.

Please also remember that it is a requirement of the assignment to respond with a question, comment, observation, etc to at least one of your classmates and to answer those posed to you. You must do so to receive full credit.

Finally, please note. Postings that only meet the minimum requirements will generally not receive full credit.


Locate an article describing a collective bargaining situation that has arisen within the past two years.

Assignment should be 3-4 pages, not including cover or References pages

Locate an article describing a collective bargaining situation that has arisen within the past two years. This article should be from a newspaper, an academic journal, or a credible online news source. Use a minimum of two additional references to support your discussion and to respond to the questions in the assignment.
a. Using APA guidelines, state the proper citation for the article.
b. State the nature of the collective bargaining dispute.
c. What are the underlying causes of the dispute?
d. What economic or ethical pressures has each side attempted to use to prevail in the dispute?
e. If there is any evidence of any illegal or unethical conduct on either side, describe it in detail.
f. Was the dispute resolved? If so, how?
g. What, if any, role was played by third parties in resolving this bargaining dispute? What was the identity of the third party?
h. In retrospect, could this dispute have been resolved in a more constructive fashion? If so, how?


Creating an FAQ for a Website

“Creating an FAQ for a Website”

Review the Strayer University Website to find an opportunity to write a FAQ that does not exist but would be useful to an intended audience. You will format the document as if it would be going on the Website, but you will write the document in Microsoft Word or equivalent word processing software.

Write a one to two (1-2) page FAQ sheet for the intended audience and purpose. On a separate page within the same document, write a paragraph that identifies the intended audience and purpose of the FAQ sheet you have created. (Submit one document in total with both components included.) Your assignment cannot be graded without this analysis. In your document, you should:

Match the intended audience and purpose for situation and tone.
Format FAQ Web page(s) accurately and according to the details in the textbook.
Ensure that content is measured, concise, and applicable.
Craft a document that is easy to read.
Your assignment must follow these formatting requirements:
Be typed, double spaced, using Times New Roman font (size 12), with one-inch margins on all sides; references must follow APA or school-specific format. Check with your professor for any additional instructions.
Include a cover page containing the title of the assignment, the student’s name, the professor’s name, the course title, and the date. The cover page and the reference page are not included in the required page length.
The specific course learning outcomes associated with this assignment are:
Illustrate the relationship between how audience characteristics match the context of technical writing.
Explain ideas in proper format using accurate details and relevant examples.
Use syntax, tone, and word choice appropriate to technical communications.
Employ correct Edited Standard Written English (ESWE).
Use technology and information resources to research issues in technical writing.
Write clearly and concisely about technical writing using proper writing mechanics.

Police response practices to domestic violence incidents and calls for service

Resource: Understanding Violence and Victimization

Write a 700- to 1,050-word paper in which you discuss the police response to domestic violence and related intimate partner victimization. Address the following:

  • Police response practices to domestic violence incidents and calls for service
  • Mandatory criminal charging in domestic violence cases
  • Crime data and trends in domestic violence
  • Future approaches to police response in domestic violence incidents

Format your paper consistent with APA guidelines.


Get 100% Original papers from the writing experts.

12 years a slave book journal

Not sure how many pages. You will turn in one book journal based on Edwin Gaustad’s Benjamin Franklin  and another one on Solomon Northup’s Twelve Years A Slave. As you read keep a journal organized by chapters of your reactions and responses to the specific incidents and/or interpretations in each chapter. Begin the journal with the Preface or Introduction if applicable; end the journal with the conclusion or epilogue if applicable.  Do not simply tell me that you “enjoyed” it or that it was “interesting.” Indeed, avoid those terms.  The purpose of the journal is to assure that you comprehend the book, can grapple with the problems that it raises, and to encourage you to think analytically and critically about the author’s ideas and research.  Ask yourself, as you write in the journal, such


questions: Do I agree with the author? Why or why not?  What thoughts or ideas does the author stimulate within me? What kinds of arguments does the author advance? Do I agree or disagree?  Why or why not?  Might one consider the book a cultural, social, political or military history?  How does this chapter enhance and/or alter my concept of a particular aspect of history? Does this event or development have any message for our times? What do I think about this or that event or practice?  How does this book illustrate, clarify, or otherwise relate to specific topics that you encounter as you read the chapters in American Promise and thought about the ideas that various scholars advanced in video lessons from “Shaping America.”  These questions are for purposes of illustration; you are not confined to them (I suggest you take them seriously).  Be creative, descriptive, and use a lot of adjectives.  As mentioned above, think analytically and critically.  Your journals should contain: reactions, responses, questions, thoughts, ideas, illustrations, analysis, criticism, interpretation, and expressions of relevance.  You must react to a sufficient amount of each chapter so as to convince the instructor that you not only have read the book, but that you have thought about it.  A mere summary of the author’s main points is unacceptable; tell me what you think about the book and explain how it ties into the course.
A mere summary of the author’s main points is unacceptable; tell me what you think about the book and explain how it ties into the course.

Note: With Respect to Book Journals:

1.  These are not collaborative projects.  Each student’s work must be his or her own work.  I enforce the college’s code of academic dishonesty to the letter.

2.  You will type your name on the upper, right-hand corner.

3. The paper will be double-spaced.

4.  You will break the journal down into chapters, starting with the introduction and finishing with the epilogue.

5. Any kind of block style is unacceptable.  You will indent each paragraph FIVE spaces.  Failure to indent properly paragraphs will result in an automatic ten-point deduction in your grade.

6.  Save the File in Microsoft Word , and name the file by your last


Write a 4- to 5-page paper, prioritizing the IT project portfolio.

Write a 4- to 5-page paper, prioritizing the IT project portfolio. This is an opportunity for you to be creative in this assignment. Identify the IT projects for a real or made up company of your choice. You can draw on your past experience or create your own projects. Pick 3 to 5 projects so that you can compare projects described in the assignment. The paper must evaluate each identified project against the following criteria: •


The project drives or creates more revenue for the corporation. • The project cuts the cost of doing business. • The project is mandated by laws (federal, state, county, or local) or executive orders. • The competitor has undertaken a similar project. Develop a scoring system by weighting each criterion. In some IT projects, all may apply. Provide your analysis by observing how you evaluate each project in comparison to how the target organization evaluates each project.


Building on the Foundation of General Strain Theory: Specifying the Type of Strain Most


Agnew, R. (2001) Building on the Foundation of General Strain Theory: Specifying the Type of Strain Most

Likely to Lead to Crime and Deviance, Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 38(4):319-



Writing a Critique

Please find below some tips for preparing your critique.

  1. First look at the criteria sheet which you will find in the Learning@Griffith website under Assessment tab. Navigate to Assessment 1 and then scroll down to folder saying Assessment 1. Open this and find the criteria sheet for marking – this will tell you what you need to include.


  1. The critique should set out:


–          What article are you reviewing

–          A brief summary of the article including what it’s aim was, what was studied, and the theory it is testing.

–          A summary of the key principles and concepts of the theory  and how these are applied to the problem

–          Analysis of the strengths and limitations of the theory with respect to its application

–          Discuss the implications for public policy and/or future research.


  1. Structuring and Referencing

–          The critique should have a clear structure  which is readily identifiable

–          While this is not a research exercise, and therefore is not asking for lots of references, where you are using references (including the article being reviewed) ensure references use the APA system.

–          Spell and grammar check!!


  1. Please ensure that the critique is 1.5 or double spaced in size 12 font.