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Gentrification, the socio – economic ascent of a neighborhood

Contextualizing Gentrification Chaos: The Rise of the Fifth Wave 1 Draft Version May 6, 2020 Derek Hyra, Mindy Fullilove, Dominic Moulden, and Katharine Silva “[G]entrification is everywhere…” 2 Abstract Gentrification, the socio – economic ascent of a neighborhood, has become central to urban scholarship over the last decade. Some scholars have claimed that “gentrification is everywhere,” yet there is still debate about what it is, what drives it, and what outcomes are associated with this type of neighborhood change. Without a standard definition, some claim gentrification is a “chaotic” concept. We attempt to bring some conceptual clarity to the term gentrification by outlining how the concept has transfor med over time since it was first identified by Glass in 1964. Our historically – driven approach helps to minimize the chaos by understanding how definitions of gentrification have varied with changing dynamics of urbanism. While there has been some importan t historical work periodizing waves of gentrification, we contribute to this theoretical research by focusing on the changing drivers of gentrification over time, and by clarifying fifth – wave gentrification , linking it with the circumstances of, and fallou t from, the 2007 – 2009 Great Recession. Today, gentrification, and associated fears of displacement, is more about rental market real estate speculation than the influx of middle – income people. This article advances the gentrification literature by linking macro financial housing forces connected to the Great Recession to more micro processes of neighborhood change. With this historic perspective in place, scholars will be better positioned to analyze contemporary gentrification and reshape the future of the field. 1 We thank Arielle Levin and Carley Weted for their research and editorial assistance. We also thank Allison Hyra for her helpful feedback on an earlier version of the paper. We also acknowledge the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation’s Interdisciplinary Research Leaders program for supporting this research. 2 Paton and Cooper 2016, p . 1 2 Introduction Gentrification , an ascent of a neighborhood’s socio – economic status, is more present in the United States (US) than ever before . 3 In the 1990s only 9 percent of low – income census tracts with in the top 50 US cities experienced an upward economic transformation, while in the 2000s that figure jumped to 20 percent (Maciag , 2015). Recently, Florida (2017 : 56 ) stress ed “gentrification…has become perhaps the biggest flashpoint in the current conversation about [American] cities . ” Moreover, g entrification has globally exploded from San Francisco to Seoul ; we are experiencing “planetary gentrification” (Lees, Shin, and L ó pez – Morales , 2016) . With the rise of gentrification , some scholars claim the term has become “conceptually stretched,” “fuzzy,” and “chaotic” (Brown – Saracino , 201 7 ; Davidson , 2011; Hwang , 2016 ; Lees, Shin, and L ó pez – Morales , 2016 ). While some see middle – income gentrifiers as the key driver of ne ighborhood economic a s cent ( e.g., Zapatka and Beck , 2019 ) , others argue the movement of capital is more important ( e.g., Smith , 2000). Is gentrification today more about class conflict s between u pper – income gentrifiers and low – income people , or about b roader financial restructuring and its communit y – level impact ? Can it occur in middle – income communities? Is it solely an urban phenomenon? More importantly, i s it connected to displacement? One thing is sure : “ [G] entrification has mutated…over time , ” and it is critical to bring some conceptual clarity to better understand this ever – changing concept (Lees, Shin, and L ó pez – Morales , 2016: 8 ). In this article we attribute part of the gentrification chaos to how the definition has varied . We contextualize the term by demonstrat ing how the concept has changed during distinct urban 3 While many more American neighborhoods have concentrated poverty or have remained economically stable than those experienc ing gentrification (Mallach, 2018) , it is undeniable that in the last two decade s a greater proportion of neighborhood s across u rban America have gentrified ( Richardson, Mitchell, and Franco, 2019 ). 3 phases. We then conceptual ly re define gentrification to more succinctly pair it with “fifth – wave gentrification ” circumstances. Fifth – wave gentrification , coined by Aalbers ( 201 9 ), is the period from 2010 to 2020 . Aalbers claims fifth – wave gentrification i s primarily li nked to housing financialization . We advance his important theoretical work by specifying the type of housing financialization taking place d uring the fifth wave : rental real estate speculation . Moreover, we connect rental speculation to the Great Recession fallout and ar gue middle class influx has become less important and financial speculation more to contemporary gentrification. However, displacement has not become less central as some s cholars hip suggests ( e.g., Freeman and Braconi , 2004 ; McKinnish, Walsh, and White , 2010 ) . R ather , increased rents continue to stimulate multiple forms of displacement : residential, political , and cultural (Co cola – Gant , 2019 ; Elliott – Cooper, Hubbard, and Lees , 20 20 ; Hyra , 2017). Today’s fifth – wave gentrification provokes “displacement anxiety” (Watt , 2018) and fears of being “push ed out” (Freeman , 2019), making displacement concerns inseparable from this neighborhood transformation. Our article advances the existing gentrification literature . First, we help scholars and policy makers understand gentrification ’s conceptual chaos by contextualizing the term within p rior gentrification waves ( Hackworth and Smith , 2001; Lees, Slater, and Wyly , 20 08 ) . Second, w e extend the literature by explain ing and refin ing understandin gs of fifth – wave gentrification. Compared to Aalbers’ ( 201 9 ) fifth wave gentrification work , we limit our assessment to US circumstances and outline a more specific set of contemporary gentrification drivers including the mortgage market crash and fallout , and its relationship to ris ing rental demand and investments in low – income communities . Third , we lin k macro – economic circumstances to micro processes of neighborhood change and claim elements of gentrification are present in more 4 neighborhood s due to financial forces connected to the Great Recession . Lastly, we raise some unresolved theoretical and methodical issues and propose needed fu ture investigation s . Gentrification “C haos” Gentrification has become a chaotic concept due to a lack of conceptual and definitional clarity. Brown – Saracino (2017) highlights an important divide between qualitative and quantitative approaches to neighborhood change research. She explains these two methodological camps ask different research questions and deploy distinct inquiry tools but firmly states, “The most fundamental difference betwe en the camps relates to how they define gentrification ” (526). For some , gentrification can only occur in low – income space s ( e.g., Freeman , 2005; Timberlake and Johns – Wolfe , 201 7 ) , and for other scholars (e.g., Clay , 1979; Lees , 2003 ) neighborhood s are on a continuum of development. Thus, Brown – Saracino (2017: 52 7 ) stresses academy displays a “collective uncertainty about how to define and operationalize gentrification . ” S cholars operationalize neighborhood a sc ent differently. Some gentrification investigators use a single measure or a combination of rising median income ( Martin , 2019 ) , increasing education levels (Vigdor , 2002) , higher housing prices ( Jackson , 2015 ) , racial shifts ( Glaeser, Kim, and Luca , 2018 ), and changing business types (Papachristos et al. , 2011) to indicate gentrification. Whether using a single – or multi – measure of gentrification, some scholars make their gentrification measure relative to changes in the metropolitan region or c ity ( e.g., Freeman , 2005; Timberlake and Johns – Wolf , 201 7 ), while others use the percent age change of certain socio – economic measures within a neighborhood over time ( e.g., Pattillo , 2007). Without a standard operationalization of gentrification , estimates of gentrification prevalence vary (Brown – Saracino , 2017 ). 5 Some gentrification uncertainty relate s to difficulties in separating the definition of gentrification from its process es and outcomes. Hwang (2016: 228) explains “an important step toward understanding…gentrification is treating its … consequences separately from its definition.” T his separation is problematic because the processes and outcomes of this type of neighborhood ch ange are embedded within its original definition. Glass (1964), who initially coined the term, claimed the influx of upper – income people to a low – income neighborhood and the subsequent displacement of low – income people was gentrification. Thus, the process es and outcomes of neighborhood change are often directly tied to the definition of gentrification . Th e conflation of gentrification processes and outcomes can lead to confusion . So me scholars assert gentrification is the a s cent of a neighborhood economically but is not necessarily linked with residential displacement (Ellen and O’Regan , 2011; Vigdor , 2002) . O thers claim , “ there is no gentrification without displacement” ( Cocola – Gant , 2019 : 2 98 ). The debate over the inclusion (or exclusion) of displacement, differences in the operationalization and measurement , and the quantitative/qualitative divide help to explain some gentrification “chaos ; ” however, we posit another important reason . Gentrification scholars constantly attempt to uncover and explain new d ynamics of an ever – shifting urban landscape. To understand why one particular neighborhood economically rises and another remains stagnant or declines, one must account for complex , shi fting interactions am ongst political, economic, and social forces at the city, metropolitan, national, and international level (Hackworth , 2007; Hyra , 2008 , 2017; Wilson , 1996). Thus, as Lees, Shin, and L ó pez – Morales (2016: 28) state, “The conceptual defin ition of gentrification has been evolving over time and space, reflecting the expanding epistemological horizon over how the urban is defined and what new trends of 6 urbanization have emerged.” Drivers of neighborhood change have evolved, and the concept of gentrification has morphed to encompass new “trends of urbanization . ” Since gentrification was coined in the 1960s, trends in urbanization have shifted. The 1960 s and early 1970s saw urban population and economic decline s due to deindustrialization, urban abandonment, and suburbanization ( Jackson , 1985; Wilson , 1996) . In the mid – 1970s and 1980s, national urban trends were defined by continued urban economic decline, devolution, and federal social welfare cutbacks, coupled with small patterns of local reinvestment s and a burgeoning back – to – the – city movement ( Halpern , 1995; Laska and Spain , 1980 ; Katz , 1996 ). In the 1990s a new pattern of urban economics and politics were on the rise: “globalization,” “neoliberalism,” “deregulation , ” and “financialization” (Aalbers , 2015; Brenner and Theodore , 2002; Hackworth , 2007; Sassen , 2009). These urban trends all linked to a more robust back – to – the – city movement, growing income inequality, and a greater prevalenc e of gentrification ( Birch , 2009; Florida , 20 17 ; Martin , 2019 ). In the 2000s , housing financialization and real estate speculation became major driver s of neighborhood change ( Aalbers , 201 9 ; Woldoff, Morrison, and Glass , 2016). As the dynamics of urban change have shifted over time , so too have definitions of gentrification. How Gentrification Change d Over Time Changes in gentrification definitions reflect and align with shifting urban change dynamics. W hen Glass (1964: xvii – xix) initially defined gentrification , she stated, “One by one, many of the working class quarters of London have been invaded by the middle classes – upper and lower…. Larger Victorian houses, downgraded in an earlier or recent period – which were used as lodging houses or were otherwise in multiple occupation – have been upgraded…. Once this process of ‘gentrification’ starts in a district it goes on rapidly until all or most of the original 7 working class occupiers are displaced and the social chara cter of the district is changed . ” For Glass, the key feature of gentrification was a n influx of middle – income people into a working – class neighborhood , which jumpstarted displacement . Over the years, gentrification was slightly redefined to include state action as a neighborhood change driver . For instance, Beauregard (1986: 19) underscored that local government actors play a “direct role in the gentrification process ” by rezoning a district “to make it easier to gentrify.” Other scholars spe ak about the role of “land – users” such as middle – income gentrifiers or government actors in promoting gentrification . Clark (2005: 258) states, “Gentrification is a process involving a change in the population of land – users such that the new users are of a higher socio – economic status than the previous users, together with an associated change in the built environment through a reinvestment in fixed capital . ” Clark’s definition expands the gentrifier to include businesses, governments, and people. His definition also allows for middle – income neighborhoods that become upper – income neighborhoods to be considered “gentrified.” Lastly, Kosta (2019: 1102) explains “an influx of new residents…, new commercia l establishments, or new users that frequent particular spaces of the neighborhood at particular times but may not reside locally, can be instances of gentrification.” Thus, for Kosta , an area can gentrify without a change in the resident mix. Is the term gentrification starting to get fuzzy yet? Gentrification “ Wave ” History Gentrification , and its multiple forms , must be understood within changing political, economic, and historic context s ; however, r elatively little scholarship has attempted to understand the historical conceptualization of gentrification ( Osman 2016 ). Schulman (2012: 18 ) asks , “I would like to put in a request to historians to periodize gentrification ,” and we , as well as others (Aalbers , 201 9 ; Hackworth and Smith , 2001; Lees, Slater, and Wyly , 20 08 ) , take on this 8 charge by specifying five waves of gentrification. While each wave exists independently, some dynamics carry over from wave to wave. Each wave is defined by the time period’s primary dr ivers of urbanism and neighborhood change. Wave I : Late 1950s to Early 1970s The first wave of gentrification , known as classic gentrification, was characterized by small pockets of urban neighborhood redevelopment. C lassic gentrification took place from the late 1950s to the early 1970s and was associated with upper – income individuals moving to and rehab ilitating older housing units in urban, working – class areas (Cocola – Gant , 2019 ). This process , depending on the city context, was known a s “ brownstoning,” “ homesteading,” “whitepainting” or “red – brick chic[ing]” (Lees, Slater, and Wyly , 20 08 ; Osman , 2011 ). Glass (1964) identified housing repairs made by middle – class newcomers in low – income communities as c entral to the gentrification process . Not only did “pioneer” gentrifiers bring capital improvements and increased aggregate income to an area , they brought their cultural preferences for upscale amenities, restaurants, coffee houses , and watering holes . This res idential and commercial shift often led to residential and cultural displacement. Thus, early gentrification was identified as the socioeconomic ascent of a low – income , urban neighborhoo d , measured using demographics such as changing income , property value , and education levels ( Lee, Spain, and Umberson , 1985; Ley , 19 96 ; Spain , 1980 ). This pattern of 1960s neighborhood change was main ly isolated to a few global cities , like New York City and London . Even though gentrification during this period was relatively minor in scale , it was critical to pushing back against a dominant urban theor y, the “Chicago Schoo l ’s ” sociological, human ecology model of urban settlemen t. The Chicag o School model assumed people move out from the city center to the urban periphery as they bec o me more 9 affluent (Park and Burgess , 1925). With gentrification , however, affluent residents moved into certain city center districts rather than further out to the city periphery and suburbs . 4 Wave II : Late 1970s through the 1980s In second – wave gentrification , the upgrading process expanded to more neighborhoods in New York City and London , as well as to small er , non – global cities. This inner city neighborhood redevelopment pattern was linked with “deindustrialization,” “suburbanization,” and a “back – to – the – city movement ” that triggered central city “reinvestment” (Cocola – Gant , 2019 ; Laska and Spain , 1980 ). This p eriod linked artist movement to gentrification : gentrification as a counter – cultural movement away from the norms of the homogen ous suburb s ( Castells , 198 4 ; Ley , 1996) . Moreover, during this phase small , local real estate development firms became active in the neighborhood change process and expanded the gentrifiers from individuals rehabbing homes for personal use to both individuals and profit – seeking companies. Smith, the legendary gentrification scholar, argued policy makers and government action fueled gentrification during th e second wave . He stressed, “ [T] o assume that the gentrification of the city was restricted to the recovery of an elegant history in the quaint m ews and alley s of old cities” by the middle – class would be a misunderstanding of the redevelopment process (Smith 2000 : 39 ). In h ighlighting dynamics similar to Smith, Maeckelbergh (2012: 660) claimed, “ Gentrification…has undergone considerable transformations since the 1950s and 1960s … , the most si gnificant change being that it has become a far more intentional economic and political process of urban transformation,” where politicians and development firms upgrade central city neighborhoods. During this wave government polic ies, such as tax incentives for the 4 Once Glass established gentrification theory in 1964 , scholars later noted the phenomenon had been occurring in other US cities including Boston, Washington, DC , Chicago, and New Orleans in the early – and mid – twentieth century (As c h and Musgrove , 201 6 ; Gale , 19 87 ; Lees, Slater, and Wyly , 20 08 ; Osman , 2011, 2016 ). 10 rehabilitation of older homes, and capitali sm , in the form of real estate development firms, combine d to extend the gentrification process beyond individual middle – class actors ( Beauregard , 1986 ) . During the second wave con sumption – and production – led gentrification scholars debated how to define the neighborhood a s cent process . Di d the evolving tastes and preferences of the middle class trigger gentrification or did government policies stimulat e uneven development ? The consumption camp perceived middle – income newcomers and their cultural preferences as leading the neighborhood transformation process ( Ley , 1996 ; Zukin , 198 9 ). The production theorists viewed government actions , such as zoning laws and policies that facilitated placed – based reinvestment, as setting the conditions for a widening “rent gap, ” which eventually spurred capital movement by the “growth machine” to certain inner – city areas ( Logan and Molotch , 2007; Smit h , 2000 ). For Smith, the movement of capital, not people , drove gentrification . S ome scholars recognized that gentrification explanations lacking both consumption and production processes were incomplete and short – si ghted ( Beauregard , 1986; Brown – Saracino , 20 10 ). However, this did not stop the “chaos : ” f ederal and local state actions , neoliberalism, and globalization unleashed new gentrification definiti ons and patterns . Wave III : 1990s In the 1990s federal and local governments emerged as key actors in facilitating gentrification (Hackworth and Wyly , 2001) . Gentrification became a state – led , “neoliberal” process. As Shaw explains , “The third wave of gentrification is characterized by interventionist governments working with the private sector to facilitate gentrification : quite a shift from the typical second wave position of passive support ” (cited in Lees, Slater, and Wyly 2008: 178). 11 The US Housing Opportunity for People Everywhere (HOPE VI) program, and the over six billion dollars it deployed between 199 2 and 20 10 to low – income areas containing distressed public housing (Khare , 2016) , facilitated gentrification ( Chaskin and Joseph , 2015; Go etz , 2013 ; Vale , 2013 ) . The federal government’s investment to raze public housing and replace it with mixed – income housing signaled to real estate developers the inner city was open for profitable business. Th e HOPE VI policy displaced thousands of low – income tenants and increased the prospects of profiting from redeveloping inner city areas (Fullilove , 2004 ; Goetz 2013 ) . Now o nce divested central neighborhood s of color that contained concentrated poverty for over 50 years (Massey and Denton , 1993 ; Rothstein , 2017 ) be gan to attract investments and upper – income residents ( Hyra 2012 ) . In addition, city policies encourage d reinvestment and gentrification. Tax increment financing (TIF) and business improvement districts (BIDs) , which facilitated private investments, were critical components of state – led gentrification during the third – wave period ( Schaller , 2019 ) . Schaller (2019: 4) notes, “BIDs and the specific form of urbanism they promote have been decisive in oiling the gentrification machine. ” The use and sale of TIF bonds made it easier for domestic and global capital to participate in third – wave gentrification (Ranney , 2003). Besides structuring TIF and BID districts, local governments continued to facilitate gentrification “ through land assembly, tax incentives, property condemnation and the adjustment of zoning laws” (Maeckelbergh 2012: 661). B eyond international capital investments in TIF bonds , other global forces were stimulating third – wave gentrification . In particular, global cities functio n ing as “command and control centers” for an increasing ly decentralized, global economy w ere important gentrification drivers (Sassen , 2019) . Global cities, such as New York City and London , experienced a grow th 12 in high – wage jobs, attracting urban professionals who desired to live in or near an expanding central business district (Hyra , 2008). The increased proportion of high – wage professionals in the central city, combined with a shrinking manufacturing sector and housing welfare safety net, set th e stage for widespread gentrification in major US cities ( Martin , 2019 ) . Wave IV : 2000s While federal and global dynamics started to become part of the gentrification narrative during the third wave, in the fourth wave international forces and the commodification of housing intensified and expanded gentrification pressures to an increasing number of US cities. I ncreased financialization of the housing market (Aalbers , 2015) and continued state – led action ( Paton and Cooper , 2016 ) characterized fourth – wave gentrification. In particular, the lowering of the US federal interest rate in the early 2000s and the subsequent rise of subprime mortgage products , and associated secondary mortgage market activities , brought on the fourth wave of gentrification . These housing financialization actions and dynamics drove “gentrification deeper into the heart of disinvested city neighborhoods” (Lees, Slater, and Wyly , 20 08 : 181). Wyly and his colleagues (2004) suggest the “inner city fix” and the influx of capital to underserved areas through the mortgage market began at the end of the 1990s ; that capital flow was in full effect by the 2000s. During this time period, inner city areas were no longer “redlined” bu t “greenlined” by bankers and real estate brokers with risky and unsustainable subprime mortgage products, initially yield ing high rates of return for investors (Immergluck , 201 5 ; Rolnik , 2013 ). Massey and his col leagues (2016: 122) state, “In this new con text, minority communities shifted from being seen as a pool of borrowers to be avoided to being perceived as an attractive market for loan sales that might expand the number of mortgages available for 13 securitization.” This influx of mortgage capital stimu lated gentrification in inner city markets (Hyra and Rugh , 2016) . Moreover, during the four th wave, real estate investment trusts (REITs) purchase d multifamily developments, transforming “affordable housing into a new global asset class” for maximizing profits (Fields and Uffer , 2016: 1486). A REIT is a private company that owns, manages, or finances the purchase of real estate or hold s secondary mort gage back ed – securities , allowing individual or institutional investors to receive dividend s from profit – generating real estate investments (Sullivan , 2018) . Many REITs are publicly traded , functioning like a stock, and are easy for individuals to buy and s ell shares . REITs have been around since the 1960s but only more recently significantly invested in affordable housing stock ( Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University , 20 20 ) . 5 The S tuyvesant Town development in New York City is an illustrative case (Woldoff, Morrison, and Glass, 2016) . Originally buil t in the 1940s as stable middle – class housing on the east side of Manhattan, much of the massive property consisted of 110 redbrick high – rise s on 80 acres of land. In 2006 Tishman Speyer Properties bought Stuyvesant Town for nearly $5 .4 billion , a price tag that demanded the new owner charge higher rents to compensate for the massive loan. In 20 10 , the property was sold to Blackstone, a global invest ment group with over $324 billion in real estate holdings and $163 billion under investor capital management. 6 Under Blackstone ’s ownership the majority of the units bec a me increasingly unaffordable to moderate – and middle – income residents , as only 5,000 of the 11,241 units are rent regulated. As of 2015 some market rate one – bedroom apartments rent for nearly $4,000 a month and two – bedroom 5 Some REITs, such as Equity LifeStyle Properties , invest in and make profits off mobile home parks ( Sullivan , 2018). 6 Blackstone’s website, https://www.blackstone.com/our – businesses/real – estate ( a ccessed 3 February 2020 ) . 14 units are as high as $5,800 a month. With Blackstone’s acquisition of the property, Woldoff, Morrison, and Glass (2016: 9 ) note that S tuyvesant Town is now “just another gentrified swath of New York real estate.” The purchase of affordable apartments by large institutional investors and REITs help to define fourth – wave gentrification . Jus t as banks had a new “originate to sell” model for subprime loans (Martin , 2011) , real estate developers of, and investors in, affordable multifamily properties bought develop ment s to upgrade an d sell (Woldoff, Morrison, and Glass , 2016). I nvestor purchase s of multifamily buildings facilitated increased rents and stimulated greater gentrification pressure s ( Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University , 20 20 ). At the same time , the federal government continued to decrease public housing funding . D istressed public housing located in inner city neighborhoods continued to be t orn down and re placed with mixed – income housing developments through the HOPE VI program ( Chaskin and Joseph , 201 5 ) . Additionally, the federal government sustained funding for the Housing Choice Voucher program , which disperse d the poor th r ough rent subsidies to neighborhoods outside of the gentrifying central cit y (Goetz and Cha pple , 2010). The effect of these state – led housing programs, combined with the subprime, secondary mortgage market frenzy and the rise of REITs in the affordable housing market , led to dra matic economic neighborhood change in low – income inner city areas across the country ( Martin , 2019 ; Owens , 2012). In forth – wave gentrification, middle – class gentrifiers became less important in the neighborhood change process while global capital became more important. With the further commodification of housing , g entrification became “ a model of … urban development … primarily driven by investment [speculation]” (Maeckelbergh 2012: 656). The prolife ration of subprime products and multifamily housing investments boosted real estate prices and created a substantial 15 housing bubble . However, middle – income gentrifiers still played a role in the neighborhood change as the growth of the real estate bubble led to two simultaneous demographic trends. Some urban professionals, who typically would have avoided low – income neighborhoods , determined divested communities of color contained their best housing options given t heir relatively lower cost and cent ral city proximity (Freeman and Cai , 2015) . Others , who could not afford to live in large expensive cities , moved to lower – income suburban and rural spaces , setting off suburban and small city gentrification ( Mark ley , 2018; Ocejo , 2019). The Bust In 2007 the national housing market bubble popped , and gentrification briefly slowed wh ile credit markets froze during the 2007 to 2009 Great Recession (Hyra et al. , 20 13 ) . As Schulman (2012: 18) declared, “ [W] ith the crash of the credit markets, the corporate bailout, institutionalized unemployment, the foreclosure epidemic, and prolonged war as the only way of employing poor people – this [gentrification] process, the influx of white money into mixed neighborhoo ds as a means of displacing the residents and replacing them with racial, cultural, and class homogeneity, will no longer be in motion. I predict that it will stop for a while…. The monster that ate New York is taking a nap.” But the nap did not last long and gentrification did not end . For instance, Harlem in New York City and Shaw/U Street in Washington , DC continued to gentrify. In Harlem and Sha w /U Street, gentrification preceded the recession and continued during the downturn as upper income white residents became an increasingly larger share of new homebuyers in these areas (Hyra and Rugh , 2016) . Whites, compared to African Amer icans , continued to have greater access to mortgage credit during and after the recession ( Goodman, Zhu, and George , 2014 ) . In most markets, t he Great Recession did temporarily slow the pace of gentrification (Davidson , 2011 ; 16 Lees , 2009) , but the process would quickly transform and rise again , particularly in neighborhoods with high proportions of affordable rental housing. Wave V : 2010s Fifth – wave gentrification is qualitatively different from prior gentrification phases. Fifth – wave gentrification has its origins in the Great Recession fallout and is driven by rental market speculati on . The rise of the renter population due to foreclosures brought housing financialization out of the single family housing market and into the rental market, taking gentrification further from metropolitan America and bringing housing displacement pressur es and evictions across the country (Desmond, 2016; Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2020; National Low Income Housing Coalition, 2019 ; Richardson, Mitchell, and Franco 2019 ). The Great Recession impacted millions of homeowners who obtained unsustainable subprime loans and were subsequently forced from their homes due to foreclosure. Between 2005 and 2010, 9.3 million households faced foreclosure (Sassen, 2014) and between 2009 and 2018 the national homeow nership rate decreased from 68 percent to 64 percent (US Census , 2020). As people were forced from their foreclosed homes, the number of renter households increased by over 9 million (Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2020 ). This huge increase in rental demand set the stage for gentrification and gentrification – like housing pressures nationwide during the recovery from the Great Recession. The increase in the renter population between 2005 and 2016 occurred when the affordable housing supply was relatively low. Between 1990 and 2017, the number of low – cost rental apartments below $800 a month in the US declined by 2 million ( La Jeunesse et al., 2019 ). With limited affordable housing available and a growing rental population, the rental vacancy 17 rate decreased from 11 percent to 7 percent between 2009 and 2019 ( US Census , 2020 ). As the Joint Center for Housing (2020: 3) report states, “[Rental] vacancy rates fell across the board in the years after the Great Recession as rental demand soa red.” People leaving homeownership due to foreclosures put tremendous strain on the rental market , ma king it ripe for speculation. Following the Great Recession, the investment landscape for rental housing changed. First, institutional investors bought sin gle – family properties and converted them into rental properties ( Charles , 2020 ; Fields, Kohli, and Schafran , 2016; Hwang , 2019; Immergluck and Law , 2014). Second, institutional investors purchased both mid – sized (5 – 24 units) and larger (200 plus units) mul tifamily properties ( Maeckelbergh , 2012 ). As the Joint Center for Housing (2020: 4) report noted, “Ownership of rental housing shifted noticeably between 2001 and 2015, with institutional owners such as LLCs, LLPs, and REITs accounting for a growing share of the stock.” This has proven to be a problematic trend, since institutional investors typically have deep financial pockets compared to individual owners, and can more easily rehabilitate units to increase rents. Between 2010 and 2017, annual capital improvement spending for rental housing, s piked from under $30 billion to around $95 billion (Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2020). As rental demand and investments grew, prices began to skyrocket. Between 2006 and 2014, average rents increased by more than 22 percent (Fl orida, 2017). Furthermore, “between 2012 and 2017, the number of units renting for $1,000 or more in real terms shot up by 5.0 million, while the number of low – cost units renting for under $600 fell by 3.1 million” (Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harv ard University 2020: 2). Today, the affordable housing rental crisis is nationwide. For instance, “In no state, metropolitan area, or county in the US can a worker earning the federal or prevailing state minimum wage afford a modest two – bedroom 18 rental home at fair market rent by working a standard 40 – hour work week” (National Low Income Housing Coalition, 2019: 2). The increase in rental speculation and rise in gentrification are connected. Stein (2019: 35 – 36) comments, “After the crash of 2008,…US propert y values only dropped momentarily before restarting their steady uptick. Even as single – family homes around the country were foreclosed, they were often resold to private equity firms and rented for significant profit, contributing to a nationwide spike in evictions.” While the rental housing crisis is nationwide , price escalation hit low – and middle – income people hardest in low – income communities , particularly in high population growth cities (Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard, 2017). As Lees, Sh in, and L ó pez – Morales (2016: 79 – 80) put it, “financial capitalism recovers [and]…takes over from [the] crisis,” resulting in hyper – gentrification , “an accelerated taking over of land which is bigger, faster, and much more destructive than the traditional n arratives of gentrification.” Ra cial undercurrents are important d uring the fifth – wave gentrification . Across the country , affordable rental units , such as those supported with L ow I ncome H ousing T ax C redits and Housing Choice Vouchers , tend to be spatially and racially concentrated (Dawkins , 2011 ; Schwartz , 2015 ) , such that rental speculation disproportionately affec ts low – income communities of color (Hwang , 2019) . Furthermore, r acial wealth ( Oliver and Shapiro , 2019 ) and income disparities (Mandu ca , 2018) remain persistent , making commun ities of color v ulnerable to capital investments and rent hikes . Beyond racial wealth and wage inequality, US wages generally remain stagnant and flat compared to rising housing costs (Chapple , 2017). To compensate individuals seek to purchase living space in moderately – priced neighborhoods to obtain more living space, typically in minority communities near central business districts 19 (Baum – Snow and Hartley , 20 20 ; Hyra , 2017). Thus, in the US fif th – wave gentrification remains a racialized , on – the – ground process (Helmuth , 2019; Summer , 2019) , despite its class – based origins . Displacement Disputes In 2000s, some scholars have suggested we need to decouple gentrification from the notion of displacement: we disagree. As Lees, Shin, and L ó pez – Morales ( 2016 : 9) note, “ [ S ] ome authors have built their careers by denying displacement.” While the successful careers of Freeman and Braconi (200 4 ), Vigdor (2002), and Ellen and O’Regan (2011) have not been erected by gentrification scholarship alone, there is no question these authors argue mobility rates among the poor in gentrifying communities are similar to the high rates of mobility among low – income people in stably poor neighborhoods. How ever, none of these studies identify and trac k the reasons people move from different neighborhood s . Desmond (2016) , and others ( e.g., Coulton, Theodos, and Turner , 2009) suggest many low – income people live in highly precarious housing situations and experience high rates of mobility across all neighborhoods. Thus, before we dismiss the link between gentrification and displacement, we need a longitudinal cohort study tracking people residing in different neighborhood types and d ocumenting why they moved to determine if rising rent prices or government actions are pushing people out of gentrifying neighborhoods ( Newman and Wyly , 2006). Simply calculating mobility rates of people from different types of neighborhoods is not enough . We must better understand why low – income people are moving so often and how their mobility patterns are tied to particular neighborhood conditions. We do know that beyond residential displacement, other types of displacement are linked to gentrification. For instance, Freeman (2019) and Hyra (2017) document political and cultural 20 displacement among low – income people who have been able to stay within a gentrified neighborhood . Furthermore, others uncover “unwelcom eness ” ( Dan ley and Weaver , 2018 ) and “ un – homing ” (Elliot t – Cooper, Hubbard, and Lees , 20 20 ) as “ displacement ” process es that break important connections low – income people have to their communities. We agree with Elliot t – Cooper, Hubbard, and Lees ( 20 20 : 498 ) who a dvance the idea that a “ more expansive and inclusive conceptuali s ation of displacement [beyond residential displacement] has … real purchase for gentrification studies as it combines both physical and psychological displacement, and allows us to more fully recognise the destruction of p henomenological attachments to place and home . ” Thus, we posit displacement in its multiple forms “ is inherent to any definition of gentrification” ( Cocola – Gant , 2019 : 2 98 ). We agree with Marcuse who stated, “If the pain of displacement is not a central co mponent of what we are dealing with in studying gentrification – indeed, is not what brings us to the subject in the first place – we are just missing one factor in a multi – factorial equation; we are missing the central point that needs to be addressed” ( cited in Slater , 2017: 125). Emerging Lines of Gentrification Research Measurement s and Methods While there will always be disagreement among scholars about what gentrification is, how to document it, and its drivers and consequences , we need to recognize that gentrification means different things at different points in time based on changing dynamics of urbanism . W e need qualitative and quantitative research captur ing distinct neighborhood change dynamics, particularly housing financialization and its consequences. We recommend that beyond median income and educational attainment changes, contemporary gentrification scholars need to incorporate indicators of financial speculation, such as the percent age change of subprime loans , 21 rent al price increases (see Dragan, Ellen, and Giled , 2019) , or changes in the percent age of residents of paying 30 percent of their income towards housing . Health More than ever there is a nee d to better understand the health implications of gentrification (Schnake – Mahl et al. , 2020) . To date, most research has focus ed on understanding the health consequences for low – income people displaced from neighborhoods experiencing gentrification (e.g., Desmond and Kimbro , 2015; Fullilove , 2004; Fullilove and Wallace , 2011; Lim et al. , 2017 ) . While this is a critical research topic , we also need to understand how gentrification impacts low – income people who are able to stay in place. In particular, w hat are the health consequences of unwelcomeness ( Danley and Weaver , 2018), un – homing (Elliot t – Cooper, Hubbard, and Lees , 20 20 ), displacement anxiety (Watt , 2018) , and the feeling of being “pushed out” (Freeman , 2019) ? R ecent scholarship suggests low – income people of color able to stay in gentrifying neighborhoods experience worse health outcomes than similarly situated residents of color in stably poor neighborhoods (Gibbon s and Barton , 2016; Huynh and Maroko , 2013; I zenberg, Mujahid, and Yen , 2018). 7 However, other studies suggest that staying in place amidst gentrification ha s some positive impact s through the reduc tion of concentrated poverty on certain indicators of health for residents of all ages (e.g. , Brummet and Reed , 2019 ; Buffel and Phillipson , 2019 ). We need more information about the types of stressor s experienced by low – income people living in neighborhoods undergoing economic transitions, particularly during fifth – wave gentrification (Gibbons , 2019) . We suspect concerns over housing affordability and the fear of displacement contribute to increased stress levels among low – income people (Watt , 2018) , as 7 A study by Dragan, Ellen , and Giled (2019) suggests children who were born in a gentrified community, versus a stably low – income community, are more likely to be diagnosed with higher rates of depression and anxiety. 22 well as other stressors such as the expected loss of neighborhood friends, loss of small busi nesses, aggressive policing, and political and cultural displacement ( Freeman , 2019; Hyra et al. , 2019 ). We need more research to unpack the mechanisms by which gentrification influences health . To better determine how gentrification impact health, we must speak with people who move out of and stay in gentrified spaces and compare their health outcomes to similarly situated individuals who move out of and stay in stabl y low – income communities. Conclusion While the quantitative/qualitative divide , mea surement inconsistencies, and the difficult ies teasing out neighborhood change processes from outcomes are important explanation s of gentrification “chaos , ” ambiguity also rela tes to distinct definitions of gentrification . This article demonstrates gentrification has been operationalized and defined differently during unique waves of gentrification to capture the changing dynamics of urbanism. Today ’s fifth – wave gentrification is largely driven by rental market speculation t ied to the Great Recession ’s foreclosure fallout . Gentrification feels like it is everywhere because rent escalation is everywhere , and ho using displacement pressure s are within and beyond low – income communities experiencing a n influx of the middle class. The process es, geographies, and intensities of gentrification will continue to change over time and we need to catch up to this capital chaos to understand and prevent the next community crisis . 23 References Aalbers MB (2015) The Great Moderation, the Great Excess and the Global Housing Crisis. International Journal of Housing Policy 15 (1): 43 – 60. Aalbers MB (201 9 ) Revisiting ‘The Changing State of Gentrification’: Introduction to the Forum: From Third to Fifth – Wave Gentrification. Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 110 (1): 1 – 11. Asch C M and Musgrove GD ( 201 6 ) “ We Are Headed for Some Bad Trouble ” : Gentrification and Displacement in Washington, DC, 1920 – 2014. In : Hyra D and Prince S ( eds ) Capital Dilemma: Growth and Inequality in Washington, DC . New York: Routledge , pp. 107 – 136. Baum – Snow N and Hartley D ( 20 20 ) Accounting for Central Neighborhood Change, 1980 – 2010. Journal of Urban Economics 117 : Article 103228 . Beauregard R (1 986 ) The Chaos and Complexity of Gentrification. In : Lees L, Slater T an d Wyly E (eds) The Gentrification Reader . New York: Routledge, pp. 11 – 23. Birch EL ( 2009 ) Downtown in the “New American City.” The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 626 November : 134 – 153. Brenner N and Theodore N (eds) ( 2002 ) Spaces of Neoliberalism: Urban Restructuring in North America and Western Europe . Ox ford: Blackwell. Brown – Saracino J (ed) (2010) The Gentrification Debates . New York: Routledge. Brown – Saracino J (2017) Explicating Divided Approaches to Gentrification and Growing Income Inequality. Annual Review of Sociology 43 : 515 – 539. Brummet Q and Reed D ( 2019 ) The Effects of Gentrification on the Well – Being and Opportunity of Original Resident Adults and Children . Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia , Philadelphia, PA. Buffel T and Phillipson C ( 2019 ) Ag e ing in a Gentri fying Neighborhood: Experienc es of Community Change in Later Life. Sociology 53 (6): 987 – 1004. Castells M ( 1984 ) The City and the Grassroots: A Cross – Cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements . Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Chapple K (2017) Income Inequality and Urban Displacement: The New Gentrification. New Labor Forum 26 (1): 84 – 93. Clark E ( 2005 ) The Order and Simplicity of Gentrification – a Political Challenge. In : Atkinson R and Bridge G ( eds ) Gentrification in a Global Context: The New Urban Colonialism . New York: Routledge , pp. 256 – 264. Charles SL ( 2020 ) A Latent Profile Analysis of Suburban Single – Family Rental Housing (SFR) Neighborhoods. Housing Policy Debate 30 (2): 205 – 227. Chaskin R J and Joseph ML ( 2015 ) Integrating the Inner City: The Promise and Perils of Mixed – Income Public Housing Transformation . Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Clay P L ( 1979 ) Neighborhood Renewal : Middle – Class Resettlement and Incumbent Upgrading in American Neighborhoods . Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath and Company. Cocola – Gant A ( 2019 ) Gentrification and Displacement: Urban Inequality in Cities of Late Capitalism. In : Schwanen T and Van Kempen R ( eds ) Handbook of Urban Geography . Cheltenham and Northampton: Edward Elgar Publishing , pp. 297 – 310. Coulton C, Theodos B and Turner MA ( 2009 ) Family Mobility and Neighborhood Change: New Evidence and Implications for Community Initiatives . The Urban Institute, Washington, DC. 24 Danley S and Weaver R ( 2018 ) “They’re Not Building It For Us”: Displacement Pre ssure, Unwelcomeness, and Protesting Neighborhood Investment. Societies 8 (74): 1 – 16 . Davidson M ( 2011 ) Critical Commentary. Gentrification in Crisis: Towards Consensus o r Disagreement? Urban Studies 48 (10 ): 1987 – 1996. Dawkins C J ( 2011 ) Exploring the Spatial Distribution of Low Income Housing Tax Credit Properties : Assisted Housing Research Cadre Report . U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, Office of Policy Development and Research, Washington, DC. Desmond M ( 2016 ) Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City . New York: Crown Publishers. Desmond M, and Kimbro RT ( 2015 ) Eviction’s Fallout: Housing, Hardship, and Health. Social Forces 94 (1): 295 – 324. Dragan K L , Ellen IG and Giled , SA ( 2019 ) Gentrification and the Health of Low – Income Children in New York City. Health Affairs 38 (9): 1425 – 1432. Ellen IG and O’Regan , K ( 2011 ) How Neighborhoods Change: Entry, Exit, and Enhancement. Regional Science and Urban Economics 41 ( 2): 89 – 97. Elliott – Cooper A , Hubbard P and Lees L ( 20 20 ) Moving Beyond Marcuse: Gentrification, Displacement and Violence of Un – homing. Progress in Human Geography 44(3): 492 – 509. Fields D, Kohli R and Schafran A ( 2016 ) The Emerging Economic Geography of Single – Family Rental Securitization . Working Paper 2016 – 02, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, San Francisco, CA. Fields D and Uffer S ( 2016 ) The Financialisation of Rental Housing: A Comparative Analysis of New York City and Berlin. Ur ban Studies 53 (7): 1486 – 1502. Florida R ( 2017 ) The New Urban Crisis: How Are Cities Are Increasing Inequality, Deepening Segregation, and Failing the Middle Class – And What We Can Do About It . New York: Basic Books. Freeman L ( 2005 ) Displacement or S uccession? Residential M obility in G entrifying N eighborhoods. Urban Affairs Review 40 (4) : 463 – 491. Freeman L ( 2019 ) A Haven and a Hell: The Ghetto in Black America . New York: Columbia University Press. Freeman L and Braconi F ( 2004 ) Gentrification and Displacement New York City in the 1990s . Journal of the American Planning Association 70 (1): 39 – 52. Freeman L and Cai T ( 2015 ) White Entry into Black Neighborhoods: Advent of a New Era? The Annals of the American Academy of Political S cience 660 (1): 302 – 318. Fullilove MT ( 2004 ) Root Shock: How Tearing Up City Neighborhoods Hurts America, and What We Can Do About It . New York: Random House Publishing Group. Fullilove M T and Wallace R ( 2011 ) Serial Forced Displacement in American Cities, 1916 – 2010. Journal of Urban Health: Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine 88 (3): 381 – 389. Gale D ( 19 87 ) Washington, D.C.: Inner – City Revitalization and Minority Suburbanization . Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Gibbons J ( 2019 ) Are Gentrifying Neighborhoods More Stressful? A Multilevel Analysis of Self – Rated Stress. Population Health 7 : 1 – 9. 25 Gibbons J and Barton MS ( 2016 ) The Association of Minority Self – Rated Health wit h Black versus White Gentrification. Journal of Urban Health: Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine 93 (6): 909 – 922. Glaeser EL, Kim H and Luca M ( 2018 ) Nowcasting Gentrification: Using Yelp Data to Quantify Neighborhood Change . A merican E conomic A ssociation Papers and Proceeding s 108 : 77 – 82. Glass R ( 1964 ) Introduction to London: Aspects of Change . Centre for Urban Studies , Report No. 3. London, UK: MacGibbon & Kee. Goetz E G ( 2013 ) New Deal Ruins: Race, Economic Justice, & Public Housing Policy . Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Goetz E G and Chapple K ( 2010 ) You Gotta Move: Advancing the Debate on the Record of Dispersal. Housing Policy Debate 20 (2): 209 – 236. Goodman L S , Zhu J , and George T ( 2014 ) Where Have All the Loans Gone? The Impact of Credit Availability on Mortgage Volume. Journal of Structured Finance 20 (2): 45 – 53. Hackworth J ( 2007 ) The Neoliberal City: Governance, Ideology , an d Development in American Urbanism . Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Hackworth J and Smith N ( 2001 ) The Changing State of Gentrification. 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Immergluck D and Law J ( 2014 ) Investing in Crisis: The Methods, Strategies, and Expectations of Investors in Single – Family Foreclosed Homes in Distressed Neighborhoods . Housing Policy Debate 24 (3): 568 – 593. 26 Izenberg JM , Mujahid MS and Yen IH ( 20 18 ) Health in C hanging N eighborhoods: A S tudy of the R elationship B etween G entrification and S elf – R ated He alth in the S tate of California . Health & Place 52 : 188 – 195. Jackson J ( 2015 ) The Consequences of Gentrification for Racial Change in Washington, DC. Housing Policy Debate 25 (2): 353 – 373. Jackson K T ( 198 5 ) Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States . New York: Oxford University Press. La Jeunesse E, Hermann A, Mc C ue D and Spader J (2019) Documenting the Long – Run Decline in Low – Cost Rental Units in the US by State . Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University , Cambridge, MA . Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University ( 2017 ) America’s Rental Housing 2017 . Cambridge, MA. Available at https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/harvard_jchs_americas_rental_housing_2 017_0.pdf (accessed 6 May 2020). Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University ( 2020 ) America’s Rental Housing 2020 . Cambridge, MA. Available at https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/sites/default/files /Harvard_JCHS_Americas_Rental_Housi ng_2020.pdf (access ed 6 May 2020). Katz M B ( 1996 ) In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America . New York: Basic Books. Khare AT ( 201 6) Still Swimming, Ties Rising : Community Change, Spatial Interventions, and the Challenges of Federal Place – based Antipoverty Public Policies. In : DeFilippis J ( ed ) Urban Policy in the Time of Obama . Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press , pp. 181 – 198. 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Lim S, Chan PY, Walters S, Culp G, Huynh M and Gould LH ( 2017 ) Impact of Residential Displacement on Healthcare Access and Mental Health Among Original Residents of Gentrifying Neighborhoods in New York City. PloS ONE 12 (12): 1 – 12. Logan JR and Molotch HL ( 2007 ) Urban Fortunes: The Political Economy of Place . Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Maeckelbergh M (2012) Mobilizing to Stay Put: Housing Struggles in New York City. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 36 (4): 655 – 673. 27 Maciag M ( 2015 ) Gentrification in America Report. Governing Magazine , February Issue, Washington, DC. Mallach, A ( 2018 ) The Divided City: Poverty and Prosperity in Urban America . Washington, D.C.: Island Press. Manduca R ( 2018 ) Income Inequality and the Persistence of R ace Economic Disparities . Sociological Science 5 : 182 – 205. Mark ley S ( 2018 ) Suburban Gentrification? Examining the Geographies of New Urbanism in Atlanta’s Inner Suburbs. Urban Geography 39 (4) : 606 – 630. Martin R ( 2011 ) The Local Geographies of the Financial Crisis: From the Housing Bubble to Economic Recession and Beyond. Journal of Economic Geography 11 : 587 – 618. Martin RW ( 2019 ) Gentrification in U.S. Cities, 1970 – 2010 . Paper presented at the University of Cincinnati’s Kunz Research Summit: Quantitative Approaches to Studying Gentrification in the United States. Cincinnati, OH. Massey D S and Denton NA ( 1993 ) American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass . Cambri dge, MA: Harvard University Press. Massey D S, Rugh JS, Steil JP and Albright L ( 2016 ) Riding the Stagecoach to Hell: A Qualitative Analysis of Racial Discrimination in Mortgage Lending. City & Community 15 (2): 118 – 136. McKinnish T , Walsh R and White T K ( 2010 ) Who Gentrifies Low – Income Neighborhoods? Journal of Urban Economics 67 : 180 – 193. National Low Income Housing Coalition ( 2019 ) Out of Reach 2019 . Washington, DC . Newman K and Wyly EK ( 200 6) The Right to Stay Put, Revisited: Gentrification and Resistance to Displacement in New York City . Urban Studies 43 (1): 23 – 57 . Ocejo RE ( 2019 ) The Creative Class Gets Political: Gentrifier Politics in Small City America. Journal of Urban Affairs 41 (8): 1167 – 1182. Oliver ML and Shapiro TM ( 2019 ) Disrupting the Racial Wealth Gap . Contexts 18 (1): 16 – 21. Osman S ( 2011 ) The Invention of Brownstone Brooklyn: Gentrification and the Search for Authenticity in Postwar New York . New York: Oxford University Press. Osman S ( 2016 ) What Time is Gentrification? City & Community 15 (3): 215 – 219. Owens A ( 2012 ) Neighborhood on the Rise: A Typology of Neighborhood Experiencing Socioeconomic Ascent. City & Community 11 (4): 345 – 369. Papachristos A V, Smith CM, Scherer ML and Fugiero MA ( 2011 ) More Coffee, Less Crime? The Relationship between Gentrification and Neighborhood Crime Rates in Chicago, 1991 to 2005 . City & Community 10 (3): 215 – 240. Park RE and Burgess EW ( 1925 ) The City: Suggestions for Investigation of Human Behavior in the Urban Environment . Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Paton K and Cooper V ( 2016 ) It’s the State, Stupid: 21 st Gentrification and State – Led Evictions. Sociological Research Online 21 (3): 1 – 7. Pattillo M ( 200 7 ) Black on the Block : The Politics of Race and Class in the City . Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Ranney D ( 2003 ) Global Decisions, Local Collisions: Urban Life in the New World Order . Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Richardson J , Mitchell B and Franco J ( 2019 ) Shifting Neighborhoods: Gentrification and Cultural Displacement in American Cities . National Community Reinvestment Coalition, Washington, DC. 28 Rolnik R ( 2013 ) Late Neoliberalism: The Financialization of Homeownership and Housing Rights. International Jo urnal of Urban and Regional Research 37 (3): 1058 – 1066. 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Berkeley: University of California Press. Schwartz AF ( 2015 ) Housing Policy in the United States . New York: Routledge. Slater T ( 2017 ) Planetary Rent Gaps. Antipode 49 (S1): 114 – 137. Smith N ( 2000 ) The New Urban Frontier: Gentrification and the Revanchist City . New York: Routledge. Spain D (1 980 ) Indicators of Urban Revitalization: Racial and Socioeconomic Changes in Central – City Housing. In : Laska SB and Spain D ( eds ) Back to the Cit y: Issues i n Neighborhood Renovation . Elmsford, NY: Pergamon Press Inc , pp . 27 – 41. Sullivan E ( 2018 ) Manufactured Insecurity: Mobile Home Parks and Americans’ Tenuous Right to Place . Oakland, CA: University of California Press. Summers B T ( 2019 ) Black in Place: The Spatial Aesthetics of Race in a Post – Chocolate City . Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. Timberlake JM and Johns – Wolfe E ( 201 7 ) Neighborhood Ethnoracial Composition and Gentrification in Chicago and New York, 1980 to 2010. 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Woldoff RA, Morrison LM a nd Glass MR ( 2016 ) Priced Out: Stuyvesant Town and the Loss of Middle – Class Neighborhoods . New York: New York University Press. 29 Wyly EK, Atia M and Hammel DJ (2004) Has Mortgage Capital Found an Inner – City Spatial Fix? Housing Policy Debate 15 (3): 623 – 685. Zapatka K and Beck B ( 2019 ) Does Demand Lead Supply? Gentrifiers and Developers in the Sequence of Gentrification . Paper presented at the University of Cincinnati’s Kunz Research Summit: Quantitative Approaches to Studying Gentrification in the United States. Cincinnati, OH. Zukin S ( 1989 ) Loft Living: Culture and Capital in Urban Change . New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press

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Knowledge as a component of the socio-cultural orientation basic conditioning factor enhances the prevention of hazards

Theory on “Knowledge as a component of the socio-cultural orientation basic conditioning factor enhances the prevention of hazards” is a theory from a major nursing framework.  Identify the framework and provide an example of how other applications of this theory may occur in nursing practice. For example, you may say that education may enhance the reduction of free-throw rugs in an elderly person’s home which will prevent falls.  Tie the concepts together by clearly defining them and how they could be measured. Find an instrument, survey, or tool in the literature that could be used to measure the concept. For example, if you are measuring pain, you might use the Faces Pain Scale-Revised, at the following link: https://www.iasp-pain.org/Education/Content.aspx?ItemNumber=1519

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Initial Post:

  • Due: Saturday, 11:59 pm PT
  • Length: A minimum of 250 words, not including references
  • Citations: At least one high-level scholarly reference in APA format from within the last 5 years

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Physical health Socio environmental health & quality of life measures

Purpose

The purpose of this assignment is to review the components of the comprehensive geriatric assessment

Activity Learning Outcomes

Through this discussion, the student will demonstrate the ability to:

1. Discuss components of a comprehensive geriatric assessment (WO 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.4) (CO1, 5, 7)

2. Evaluate screening tools used as part of the comprehensive geriatric assessment (WO 1.4) (CO 1, 7)

Requirements:

Step 1:

Review the assigned topics which are listed below:

Your assessment domain Your peer response domain Physical health Socio environmental health & quality of life measures  

Step 2:

For your assigned assessment domain:

1. Provide a brief 3-5 sentence summary of the components of the domain assessment

2. Choose a screening tool “Mini Nutritional Assessment (MNA)” which is appropriate for your domain. Explain the screening tool purpose, components and scoring technique

3. Provide 2 references in APA format beneath the table which support your work. The second reference must be a scholarly source.

Your table should look like the following:

Comprehensive Geriatric  Assessment  Domain Dimensions of assessment Screening tool related to the domain(s)        References:       

Step 4:

Respond to a peer’s post. Your assigned response to a peer requirement is listed within the assignment table. (about one page)

Peer response will include:

· Compares peer domain to student’s assigned assessment domain, noting similarities and differences

· Peer review: discuss how your assigned peer’s screening tool (Lubben Social Network Scale) can be applicable in your own future practice

DISCUSSION CONTENT Category Points % Description Assessment of Knowledge: Assessment Domain   18 30 1.  Provides a brief 3-5 sentence summary of the assigned domain components. 2. Domain summary includes description of each component. 3. Selects a domain appropriate screening tool. 4. Explains the purpose, components and scoring technique of the screening tool. Support from Evidence Based practice  18 30 1. Discussion post is supported with a minimum of one appropriate, scholarly source in addition to the textbook AND 2. Sources are published within the last 5 years AND 3. A reference list is provided with in-text citations that match the discussion content AND 4. Peer response is supported with a minimum of one appropriate, scholarly source in addition to the textbook   Peer response  12 20 1.  Compares peer domain to student’s assigned assessment domain 2. Comparison includes similarities and differences to student’s assigned domain 3. Comparison includes differences to student’s assigned domain 4. Discusses how the peer’s screening tool can be applicable in the student’s own future practice (4 critical elements)       48 80% Total CONTENT Points= 48 pts DISCUSSION FORMAT Category Points % Description Organization 6 10 Assignment table pasted within the discussion board post. Student presents the assigned domain. Peer response clearly states the name of the screening tool being reviewed and is presented in a logical format.   Grammar, Syntax, Spelling & Punctuation 6 10 Student presents information in an organized manner, using clear and concise language. There are no APA, grammar, spelling, syntax or punctuation errors   12 20% Total FORMAT Points= 12 pts       DISCUSSION TOTAL= 60 points
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Criminal Justice Policy Analysis and the Socio-Cultural System

Discuss different drug-control policies. How effective have these policies been? Did they achieve their desired outcome? Did they have an unintended impact on the criminal justice system?
 Your response must be a minimum of 500 words. All sources used, including the textbook, must be cited and referenced as necessary. Use APA style to format your response, proofread your work, and then submit your assignment for grading in Blackboard.

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LAW: CRJ 6800, Criminal Justice Policy Analysis and the Socio-Cultural System

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Drug-Control Policies in the United States

            The United States is the only country to enforce one of the fiercest drug-control policies in the world (Des Jarlais, 2015). Throughout the history of the country, numerous leaders have made many attempts to outlaw addictive drugs and put in place the laws that protect consumers and public health. As a result, many drug-control policies have been developed albeit with mixed successes.

The Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act of 1970           The prevalence of abuse of recreational drugs in the United States in 1960s saw the enactment of Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act of 1970 by the Congress. The laws that existed prior to this…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

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socio-cultural needs

 Unit title:Analyse impacts of sociological factors on clients in community work and services
Department name: HSYCS, Community and Social Inclusion
CRN number: Enter CRN number
Section B – Assessment task details
Assessment number: 4 of 5
Semester/Year:
Due date: On the second visit of the placement assessor
Duration of assessment: 200 hours
Assessment method Knowledge/Observation
Assessment task results ?Ungraded result
?Other: Click here to enter text.
Section C – Instructions to students
Task instructions:
There are 2 parts to this assessment, parts A and B.
Part A is to be completed prior to attending placement, and Part B is to be done whilst on placement.
Part A- Case studies #1 and #2
Part A consists of simulated case studies that are to be completed prior to attending placement,
To complete this task you will need to read the 2 case studies (case studies #1 and #2) that are attached to this assessment and provide a socio-economic analysis of each using the questions provided.
You will need to:
Read Section 1 of the scenario – to answer questions 1-5
Read Section 2 of the scenario – to answer questions 6-7
Using the questions provided, you will be required to do the following for each of the case studies-
1. Gather information regarding their socio-cultural needs
2. Identify what services are available to assist and support the clients and refer or provide them with service
3. Monitor and review the effectiveness of that service
4. Revise or change the service in order to improve client outcomes..

In order to complete this assessment you will use the information provided in the case studies to complete the questions in this report.
Part B- Real client at the work placement organisation or Case study #3, if a placement client is not available
Part B is to be completed whilst on placement
To complete this task you will need to have access to a client in the organisation in which you are completing your placement.
You will use the information gathered for this client to complete the questions in this report (the client’s name is to be changed to protect their confidentiality and privacy).
If you are not able to access the client’s information required to complete this task, you can use the case study #3 that is attached to this assessment.
Using the questions provided, you will be required to do the following for the client/case study-
1. Gather information regarding their socio-cultural needs
2. Identify what services are available to assist and support the clients and refer or provide them with service (if this is not possible you are able to discuss a current service that the client has been referred to and then review its effectiveness)
3. Monitor and review the effectiveness of that service
4. Revise or change the service in order to improve client outcomes
Both part A and B of this assessment must be completed and uploaded to Bright space by the second visit of the placement assessor.
The assessor will go through Part B of the report with you, and may ask you additional questions if clarification is necessary.
Section D – Conditions for assessment
Conditions:
Student to complete and attach Assessment Submission Cover Sheet to the completed Assessment Task.
This is an individual assessment.
You are able to use the following resources to complete your assessment:
-internet
-client files and notes (if allowed by the placement organisation) for part B
– task supervisor for part B
– client interview (if allowed by the placement organisation) for part B
You can refer to class notes to support your answers.
All work is to be answered on Brightspace by the due date.
If you are unable to submit your task by the due date, you will need to apply for a deferred assessment within 5 days of the due date. Please consult with your teacher to complete a deferred assessment application.
You must reference your sources using APA 6th. For more information on referencing go to: http://holmesglen.libguides.com/apareferencing
If you do not reference external sources correctly, this will be classed as plagiarism and you may not pass this task. For more information go to: https://holmesglen.edu.au/Students/Student-resources/Plagiarism/.
Reasonable adjustments may be made where necessary. Please refer to the unit outline and discuss your individual circumstances with your teacher if required.
If you do not pass this assessment task on the first attempt, you will have two opportunities for resubmission.
You may appeal the assessment decision. Please consult with your Education Manager if you wish to do so.
Your completed report must be uploaded to the assessment box in the Bright space CRN of this unit, by the second placement visit.
Equipment/resources students must supply: Equipment/resources to be provided by the RTO:
Placement attendance
Case studies
Placement organisation
Placement Book
Placement assessor
Assessor visit dates

Section E – Marking Sheet – Student Answer Sheet
Student ID: Student name:
Unit code:
CHCDEV002
Unit title: Analyse impacts of sociological factors on clients in community work and services
Date:
Knowledge task
Part A
Case study #1 (prior to placement)
Questions: Provide your responses in the boxes below each question.
Question 1: Nominate the three main socio-cultural factors that are impacting this client.
Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 2: Choose one of the above factors, and analyse the effect that this socio-cultural factor is having on the client.
Include in your answer the impact this socio-cultural factor is having in the following areas of their life, and give examples for each: (minimum 200 words)
Employment
Physical health
Financial capability
Mental health
Community networks
Family relationships
Discrimination
Housing
Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 3: To the degree that your role allows, identify what the current health and wellbeing issues are for this client? Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 4: What additional needs does the client have, or what extra supports do they require as a result of these health issues? Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 5: After analysing the socio- cultural factors that effect this client, you will need to nominate / refer them to a service that will meet their needs. (If it is not possible for you to refer the client, you can nominate a service that they have been referred to, and are currently accessing).
A. Name the service
B. State why you think that this service is appropriate to address the client’s socio-cultural issues, as stated in question 1. Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 6: After the client has been referred to, and engaged with the service, describe how effective you think that the service has been in meeting the client’s needs. Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 7: A. Now that the referral has been reviewed, did it have the best possible outcome for the client? How has it assisted them?
B. If not, what other service could have been offered to the client that would be better suited to meet their socio-cultural needs? Explain why Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Case study #2 (prior to placement)
Questions: Provide your responses in the boxes below each question.
Question 1: Nominate the three main socio-cultural factors that are impacting this client.
Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 2: Choose one of the above factors, and analyse the effect that this socio-cultural factor is having on the client.
Include in your answer the impact this socio-cultural factor is having in the following areas of their life, and give examples for each: (minimum 200 words)
Employment
Physical health
Financial capability
Mental health
Community networks
Family relationships
Discrimination
Housing
Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:

Comment:

Question 3: To the degree that your role allows, identify what the current health and wellbeing issues are for this client? Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 4: What additional needs does the client have, or what extra supports do they require as a result of these health issues? Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 5: After analysing the socio- cultural factors that effect this client, you will need to nominate / refer them to a service that will meet their needs. (If it is not possible for you to refer the client, you can nominate a service that they have been referred to, and are currently accessing).
C. Name the service
D. State why you think that this service is appropriate to address the client’s socio-cultural issues, as stated in question 1. Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 6: After the client has been referred to, and engaged with the service, describe how effective you think that the service has been in meeting the client’s needs. Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 7: C. Now that the referral has been reviewed, did it have the best possible outcome for the client? How has it assisted them?
D. If not, what other service could have been offered to the client that would be better suited to meet their socio-cultural needs? Explain why Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Part B
Placement client or Case study #3 (Whilst on placement)
Questions: Provide your responses in the boxes below each question.
Question 1: Nominate the three main socio-cultural factors that are impacting this client.
Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 2: Choose one of the above factors, and analyse the effect that this socio-cultural factor is having on the client.
Include in your answer the impact this socio-cultural factor is having in the following areas of their life, and give examples for each: (minimum 200 words)
Employment
Physical health
Financial capability
Mental health
Community networks
Family relationships
Discrimination
Housing
Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 3: To the degree that your role allows, identify what the current health and wellbeing issues are for this client? Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 4: What additional needs does the client have, or what extra supports do they require as a result of these health issues? Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 5: After analysing the socio- cultural factors that effect this client, you will need to nominate / refer them to a service that will meet their needs. (If it is not possible for you to refer the client, you can nominate a service that they have been referred to, and are currently accessing).
E. Name the service
F. State why you think that this service is appropriate to address the client’s socio-cultural issues, as stated in question 1. Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 6: After the client has been referred to, and engaged with the service, describe how effective you think that the service has been in meeting the client’s needs. Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Question 7: E. Now that the referral has been reviewed, did it have the best possible outcome for the client? How has it assisted them?
F. If not, what other service could have been offered to the client that would be better suited to meet their socio-cultural needs? Explain why Satisfactory response
Yes ?
No ?
Answer:
Comment:

Section F – Feedback to Student
Has the student successfully completed this assessment task? Yes No
?
?
Additional Assessor comments (as appropriate):
Resubmission allowed: Yes ?
No ?
Resubmission due date:
Assessor name:
Assessor signature:
Student signature:
Date:
Supporting document
Case studies
Unit code:
CHCDEV002
Unit title: Analyse impacts of sociological factors on clients in community work and services
Case Study #1 Prior to placement
Use this section of the case study to answer questions 1 – 5.
Use this section of the case study to answer questions 6 – 7.
Section 1
Jolene is a 15-year-old female who has been living with her father David, stepmother Karen and their 7-year-old daughter Grace. Jolene has lived with her father since she was 12 years old. Before this she always lived with her mother, Sally.
Jolene had a remarkably close relationship with her mother, they would do everything together. Sally was estranged from her own family and Jolene only had contact with her extended maternal family when she was first born. Whilst living with her mother Jolene had minimal contact with her father who resided interstate. David and Sally were not in a relationship when Jolene was born and had a fractious relationship over the 18 months they were together. Jolene had some photos of her father and would receive a birthday card or phone call when he remembered.
Sally suddenly passed away as a result of a car accident. Jolene was devastated. After a short time in foster care Jolene was relocated interstate to her father’s care.
Jolene initially presented as sad and withdrawn, however after seeing the school counsellor every week for a few months Jolene became more engaged both at home and at school. Jolene had a group of friends who she became close to and was involved in sporting activities outside of school.
Recently there has been a decline in Jolene’s mood, she has become withdrawn from her family, arguing with her father and stepmother and has a new group of friends, predominantly young adult males.
Jolene was considered responsible and would often take Grace to their local park. Last time they went to the park, Jolene had arranged to meet her new friends there and had driven off with them leaving Grace alone at the park. This caused an argument between Jolene, her father and stepmother. During the argument Jolene stated, “she hated her life and wanted to be with her mother”. As a result, Jolene left the family home and has been couch surfing between friends for the last 6 weeks.
During this time Jolene has irregularly attended school, was returned to her family home in the middle of the night by the Police intoxicated and has disclosed to her school friend that she had unprotected sex, misses her mother and sometimes wishes she was dead and with her mother.
David and Karen are concerned for Jolene’s safety and wellbeing and are not happy about her risk-taking behaviours. They have advised Jolene they would like her to return home, however she needs to change her behaviours and the people she is currently mixing with. David and Karen have informed the school counsellor they are prepared to attend counselling sessions with Jolene if this is something she would like to do. The school have made a report to Department of Health and Human Services Child Protection due to Jolene’s risk-taking behaviours and homelessness.
Section 2
Jolene was referred to the local youth service and has attended half of her appointments.
Jolene continues to see Meg her allocated youth worker, however she does not attend these appointments regularly. Jolene appears quite guarded with the information she shares when she meets with Meg. However, Jolene likes attending the youth service as she likes to sit in the art room and draw. Jolene is quite a talented artist.
Jolene has not attended school at all this semester however has remained in contact with some of her school friends. Lately Jolene has been posting photos of herself with older males out in the middle of the night drinking alcohol and breaking into cars stealing anything of value.
Jolene’s physical appearance has declined, she has lost a considerable amount of weight and has lost pride in herself. Jolene had mentioned to Meg that she has been smoking marijuana most days, sometimes with friends or on her own.
Jolene has been staying with the older sister of one of the males she has been socialising with. Jolene feels safe staying with her and helping to look after her 8-month old child. Jolene was staying in a house which had people coming and going. One night when home alone one of the housemates came home and forced himself onto Jolene. Jolene was able to get away from him and left the house immediately quite shaken. Jolene did start to speak with Meg about this however she stopped speaking about this when Meg mentioned she may have to contact the Police and Department of Health and Human Services. Jolene did not attend the service or answer Meg’s phone calls for several weeks after this incident.

Case Study #2 Prior to placement
Use this section of the case study to answer questions 1 – 5.
Section 1
Ayah and her three children, Tanisha (10 years), Zane (9 years) and Aren (7 years) arrived in Australia 8 months ago after fleeing their village in South Sudan. They had been living in a refugee camp for some time before arriving in Australia.
Ayah’s husband and father to her three children was shot dead in an attack on their community. Ayah still has nightmares and vivid memories of the night this attack occurred, she clearly remembers the sounds of the shooting gun’s and the chaos and screaming of her community running for their lives. The smell of their village burning after being set alight is still a vivid smell she has today.
On arrival in Australia, Ayah and her children were provided temporary migrant accommodation. It is a small two-bedroom unit, which they have made home and feel safe in. There are two other Sudanese families who also live in the same apartment block.
Tanisha, Zane and Aren are all attending the local school. The school is incredibly supportive and run additional English classes and support activities to the number of refugee children they have attending the school.
Tanisha is finding school difficult and has told her mother she does not like going. Tanisha often sits alone during school recess.
Ayah had been attending English classes at the local neighbourhood and learning centre with the two other Sudanese women who live in the apartment block with her. Ayah has not attended these classes in the last week nor have her children gone to school.
Last week when walking back home after taking the children to school, Ayah heard a loud noise. She initially froze in fright before running and hiding behind a large tree.
Ayah’s friends became worried about her and visited her. They found Ayah very withdrawn in conversation and providing little eye contact with them. There were many dishes piled up in the sink, scraps of food lying around and a general disarray of the apartment. There was a pile of bills, notes from the school and unopened mail on the table.
The friends were surprised as Ayah was always ‘house proud’ very organised and had an immaculate house. They asked Ayah how she was, and she burst into tears. Ayah explained that she has not been sleeping well as her nightmares have increased, she has little or no appetite, deeply misses her husband, has had no contact with her family in Sudan for months and feels lonely. She also discloses that Tanisha is not settling into school and that Ayah finds it hard communicating with the school due to the language barrier.
Ayah agreed to attend the Neighbourhood and Learning Centre with her friends and talk to them about how she is feeling.
Use this section of the case study to answer questions 6 – 7.
Section 2
Ayah and her children were referred to a migrant service and have been linked in with a Family Support Worker (FSW), Rosie for the last 3 months. During this time the family have engaged positively with their worker, all 3 children look forward to their visits and have been known to draw pictures and have a tea party set up for when Rosie arrives for their home visit.
Ayah has been linked into a counsellor and has found it helpful being able to talk about her life experiences and the feelings she has associated with this. Ayah has been able to acknowledge her depression and the trauma she has experienced. Ayah experiences low days however has been able to implement everyday strategies she has learnt such as meditation and mindfulness which she thinks has helped to improve her sleeping.
Tanisha has been assessed and diagnosed with needing to wear glasses. Rosie was able to assist Ayah navigate the health care system and applied for funding from her agency to help Ayah with the cost of the glasses.
Tanisha has also been attending a children’s group which is run by the agency once a week after school. Tanisha enjoys this group and Ayah has stated she is more confident and comfortable to attend school.
Zane and Aren are enjoying school and although enjoy their mother’s cooking of traditional foods they are also developing a taste for local cuisine dishes. Both are very active children who at this time in their life have shown resilience to their situation.
Ayah had disclosed to Rosie she was concerned as she was not sure when and where the family would be moved to as their current accommodation is temporary. Rosie has written a support letter advocating the family remain living in the same local area as they feel safe in this particular neighbourhood, after having to flee their home country and that the family are engaged in local culturally appropriate services to deal with trauma related life experiences. The letter also highlighted that the children were settled in school and their needs are being supported in this environment and they have also made positive social connections.
Case Study #3 Whilst on Placement: To be used if a client from the placement organisation is not available.
Use this section of the case study to answer questions 1- 5.
Section 1
Dave, Kylie and their four children Kirra (12 years), Beau (10 years), Belinda (9 years) and Tate (3 years) are Aboriginal who live in a rental property in the outer suburbs. Kylie’s sister and her newborn baby were living with them up until one month ago before she secured her own housing.
The family were victims of racist comments and slurs whilst living in their previous property and as a result the family decided to move. They feel safer living in their new home and neighbourhood however this has come at a cost to the household budget as they are now paying an additional $100 per month on their rent.
Dave and Kylie have overcome many challenges in their life. Seven years ago DHHS Child Protection removed Kirra, Beau and Belinda from their care due to Dave and Kylie’s drug and alcohol use. Both felt ‘lost’ without their children in their care. They both linked into services and supported each other in their rehabilitation. After positive engagement with services, distancing themselves from the negative people in their life and returning clean urine and drug screens as ordered by the Children’s Court, the children were returned to their care 12 months later. There has been no further Child Protection involvement.
In the last 18 months Dave’s brother committed suicide and 6 months later his cousin also committed suicide after a long period of poor mental health. Dave’s parents both died due to natural causes when he was a young adult. Dave’s maternal grandmother was part of the stolen generation and was only reconnected with her biological family later in her life. Kylie’s parents both work and are supportive of her and Dave and help when they can.
Dave and Kylie have a strong relationship with themselves and their children. There is positive attachment between all children and their parents. Dave and Kylie never missed an access visit with their children when they were in foster care.
Kirra has diagnosed dyslexia and speech delays and often does not want to attend school. Kirra presents with poor social skills and is withdrawn in social environments. The school have noted she is more engaged on a one on one level in the classroom. Dave and Kylie are cautious of ‘systems’ judging them and make sure they communicate with the teacher about Kirra’s concerns. Kirra has been engaged with the speech therapist at the local community health centre. Beau, Belinda and Tate are developing well for their age and enjoy school and are very social with their friends. Tate is now attending 3-year-old kinder which has given Kylie time to volunteer at the local Aboriginal Co-op.
In the last month Dave was made redundant and received a payout, enough money to cover the rent for 6 weeks. Kylie has expressed her concern to Dave as he is presenting with low mood, sleeping a lot more, drinking alcohol more regularly and is less tolerant with the children. Dave has also stopped attending his cultural activities group which he previously enjoyed and attended every week.
Kylie has attempted to speak with Dave about their financial situation and how they will be able to continue paying the rent. Kylie had suggested Dave look for employment and go and speak to someone about how he is feeling. Dave yelled at Kylie “that she had no idea” and raised his fist to her face. He quickly withdrew his fist when he saw Kirra and Tate walk into the room.
The following day Kylie contacted the local Aboriginal service and requested assistance for Dave and their family. Initially Dave was reluctant about accepting the help however they have been engaged with the service for the last two weeks.
Use this section of the case study to answer questions 6 – 7.
Section 2
Dave and Kylie have had a worker visit them each week from the local Aboriginal service. After a consultation with Department of Health and Human Services a referral was made to Orange Door however both Dave and Kylie did not accept this. They prefer to meet with the worker they already know.
The worker has asked Dave and Kylie to meet with them at their office. Dave has not attended these appointments, Kylie has.
Kylie has spoken with the worker about her concern for Dave as he becomes less engaged and not wanting to leave the house. Dave is becoming less tolerant with the children and appears not interested in doing any activities with them. Kylie is spending more time at her sister’s house with Kirra, Beau, Belinda and Tate so they don’t upset Dave by making too much noise or getting in his way. Kylie acknowledges this is not ideal, although her children love spending time with their baby cousin, they also need to be in their own home environment.
Kylie has stated she feels safe with Dave and he has only raised his fist once at her.
Kylie loves Dave and wants to ensure Dave gets the help he needs but she is not sure what more she can do to help.